Policy mobility of China's overseas industrial zones in the lens of partnership: A case study of Thai-Chinese Rayong Industrial Zone
SONG Tao1,2, LIU Weidong1,2, GAO Boyang3, LIU Zhigao,1,2, ZHENG Zhi1,2通讯作者:
收稿日期:2019-10-8修回日期:2020-05-8网络出版日期:2020-06-25
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Received:2019-10-8Revised:2020-05-8Online:2020-06-25
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作者简介 About authors
宋涛(1983-),男,山西太原人,副研究员,硕士生导师,研究方向为世界地理、“一带一路”、跨境经济E-mail:songtao@igsnrr.ac.cn。
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宋涛, 刘卫东, 高菠阳, 刘志高, 郑智. 合作伙伴关系视角下的海外园区政策移动性研究——以泰中罗勇工业园为例. 地理学报[J], 2020, 75(6): 1199-1209 doi:10.11821/dlxb202006008
SONG Tao.
1 引言
共建“一带一路”是党中央和国务院统筹国内国际两个大局,着眼于人类命运共同体构建,而提出的重大合作理念[1],是新时期中国全方位对外开放的旗帜和主要载体[2]。不同于新自由主义全球化,“一带一路”倡议是推动经济全球化深入发展的一个重要框架,是全球化的一种新的表现形式,即“包容性全球化”的表现[3]。作为“一带一路”包容性全球化下经贸合作重要载体的中国海外产业园区(以下简称“海外园区”),是推动实现政策沟通、设施连通、贸易畅通、资金融通、民心相通的重要国际合作平台[4]。“一带一路”倡议提出以来,中国企业大规模“走出去”,对外直接投资规模迅猛增长,海外园区数量不断增加。截至2018年6月,中国企业在沿线国家和地区建设不同规模的海外园区82家,累计投资348.7亿美元,入区企业4542家[5]。以往对产业园区、海外园区的研究更多探讨园区自身的建设问题,关注新自由主义全球化下资本的逐利性[6]。而“一带一路”背景下的中国海外园区建设,将中国特色模式与各国的发展意愿和比较优势相结合,促进各国加速政策移动性,提高互联互通水平,普惠当地群众,促进当地发展,是面向未来的国际合作新共识,也是地理****应该进一步深入研究的话题。特殊经济区(Special Economic Zone)是各类型开发区和产业园区的总称[6],是以改革促发展的重要经济试验空间,亦是经济学、地理学的研究热点。现代意义的特殊经济区肇始于20世纪50年代美国的自由贸易港、斯坦福科技工业园等,后逐渐在世界范围内演化出工业园区、出口加工区、科学城等多种形式。欧美经济地理****从国家领土(State Territory)、区域管治、区域主义(Regionalism)、政策移动性(Policy Mobility)等视角对特殊经济区进行政治经济学的探讨。中国的特殊经济区演化见证了改革开放的进程,经济特区、工业开发区、经济技术开发区、高新技术开发区、保税区、边境合作区、自由贸易区等一系列特殊经济区[7,8],由点及面,“自上而下”与“自下而上”结合地推动着中国的区域开放发展,引发了国内外****对中国模式(China Model)、试验主义(Experimentalism)、国家资本主义(State Capitalism)、动力机制、路径道路、儒家文化价值(Confucian Values)等的热烈讨论[9,10]。这些园区成为承载经济增长(土地、资金、人才等要素)和治理结构改革(政策、权力和领导层级)的领域空间[11,12]。尤其是全球化“亚洲四小龙”时期,新加坡模式成为中国经济改革开放的重要参考者。苏州工业园,及之后的天津生态城、中新(重庆)互联互通项目既是中国、新加坡两国政府间的经济技术合作项目,同时也成为具有国际竞争力的特殊经济区,学界和业界对以上案例的优惠政策、产业结构、集聚效益、空间用地、治理模式等进行了广泛的研讨[13]。其中,以苏州工业园为代表的新加坡海外工业园的有效政府干预、完善规划体系、优良的招商环境等特征成为跨境海外园区成功的关键[14]。尤其是随着“一带一路”倡议的实施,海外园区成为承载投资母国与东道主国家经济空间和治理结构拓展,各利益相关者平等地参与全球化,以及保护文化多元性的重要载体。然而,中国的海外园区建设与新加坡等其他国家的海外园区建设的时代背景、驻在国选择、开发主体、治理体系等发展路径千差万别,探索中国特色的海外园区建设经验就显得尤为重要和恰逢其时。
政策移动性是国际政治地理学研究的经典理论,强调政策、价值、理念跨区域迁移、组合、孵化和衍变的过程[15]。海外园区的诸多政策可被视为本土与海外政策的孵化与培育。本文以合作伙伴视角下的政策移动性理论为切入点,检验了泰中罗勇工业园的政策移动性,揭示中国海外园区建设过程中的关键参与者,以及政策移动性如何通过合作伙伴关系嵌入到当地发展中。这个论点由两部分组成。首先,在包容性全球化的背景下,复杂的国外和国内权力关系形成了嵌入性网络。政策的形成和演化是一个嵌入到当地发展环境的社会建构过程(政策移动性),而并非是复制和学习全球最佳实践的过程。其次,中央政府、龙头企业、地方政府、当地居民和非政府组织的合作伙伴关系在政策移动性当中扮演着重要的角色。深入研究合作伙伴关系如何嵌入到当地的发展中,塑造海外园区的政策移动性,是本文分析框架的重点。这些分析有助于丰富包容性全球化背景下,中国海外园区的可持续发展与建设的理论与实践。
2 海外园区政策移动性的“合作伙伴”理论基础
2.1 政策移动性的概念内涵及发展
全球化背景下,区域或城市决策者为促进本地发展而吸引全球的实践经验,借鉴包括“智慧”“绿色”“活力”等方面的特殊政策,这一过程中,“政策移动性”的概念应运而生,成为地理学、政治和经济文献中的热门话题[16]。政策移动性指的是在一定地理环境下政策、价值、理念向另一区域迁移、组合、孵化和衍变的过程[17]。在这一过程中,国家、地方、企业等主体学习、整合、择优、实施特定政策,以促进区域商业、环保、教育的发展[17]。政策移动性的概念来源于公共政策学中“政策转移”(Policy Transfer)的概念,政策转移多强调国家尺度的政策借鉴[18],而政治地理学中政策移动性则具有跨尺度性,不是简单的全球/地方、远/近的二分法,而是涉及到国家、区域、城市、地方等多尺度的政策移动。全球、国家和地方因素的关系网络塑造了政策的流动,甚至地方节点、场所或基础设施也将加速政策的共享,例如全球城市、旅馆、车站、会议中心、度假胜地、画廊等[19]。政策移动性强调政策转移、孵化过程中,不同关系组合所产生的叠加效应。新自由主义经济全球化的浪潮中,政策借鉴被政府、集团视为重要的区域发展驱动力,世界范围内区域、城市、企业纷纷效仿所谓的“最好实践”(Best Practices)[20]。在商业、文化、交通、教育或其他方面具有“示范效应”或称之为“最好实践”的区域、城市或企业政策是政策移动性的典型案例。这些政策模式的要素,如资本、制度、税收、人员等,成为了政策顺利移动的核心。在这一过程中,政策的要素往往会被集体学习,成为政策特区,或政策集(Policy Assemblage)[21,22]。总之,政策移动性应被理解为政策“跨界、动态和关系”的迁移、根植、孵化、突变的过程[23]。该理论方法已经越来越被广泛应用于开发区、商业区、产业区、旧城区等具有“政策集”特征的区域[24]。然而遗憾的是,大多数****对政策移动性的研究是基于新自由主义经济全球化的背景,该领域鲜有****对“一带一路”背景下的政策移动性进行系统分析。西方语境下的政策移动性研究往往假设有“最好实践”[25],而不是与当地发展“最适合”(Best Fit)的实践[3]。而且,全球南方区域(Global South)往往成为美国等全球北方区域(Global North)的政策援助地区[26]。事实上,政策移动性是一个逐渐适应于当地复杂多尺度权力关系[27]和不断变化的意识形态路线的过程,且并非全球北方区域所独有。2.2 海外园区的政策移动性
海外园区建设涉及到驻在国与母国多元的行为主体网络,国家政府、地方政府、当地民众及非政府组织等。政策移动性的分析框架善于借助多元行为主体及多尺度关联等地理学的视角,将有助于揭示海外园区作为一种特殊经济空间,其要素基因孵化、集聚成长到地域分异的演化过程。海外园区作为特殊的经济空间载体,需要从国内外宏观环境变化、驻在国—母国的制度差异、中央—地方关系等关键角色的驱动,揭示特殊空间基因的复制机理与内在逻辑。国家作为关键的参与者,在不同尺度的知识传播、指令、启发等环节均发挥重要的作用。1978年改革开放以来中国的区域管治架构具有浓重的国家主导开发特征。尽管进行了市场化改革,中国的国家政府仍然在继续施加强大的控制力[28],而这种强有力的国家管治是中国经济长期增长的根本原因[29],也是中国特色园区跨越式发展的根本原因,可被刻画为国家主导型混合经济系统。中国的经济崛起在全球化、国家和地方的交织下,中央政府进一步权力下放,全球资本和市场化为驱动,促成了众多产业集聚区[30]。1994年的分税制改革,重新搭建了中央和地方的财权和事权结构。权力下放并非是中国改革开放以来改变中央与地方关系的唯一表征。自此以后,大规模的城市间竞争态势愈演愈烈,地方政府承担了更多的区域发展压力,形成了土地出让和工业发展推动下的GDP发展模式[21,22,23,24]。中央政府通过“企业化城市”(Entrepreneurial Cities)的建设加强中国在全球的竞争力[31]。珠江三角洲、长江三角洲等区域是这种企业化城市促进中国经济增长的典型区域。以上的研究说明了大量****对于中国特色园区关键角色与驱动力的研究,然而这些关键角色与驱动力在海外园区中是否得以彰显,就成为学界亟待深入挖掘的话题。
如前所述,政策移动性涉及到多元的行为主体网络,国家政府、地方政府、当地民众及非政府组织等,尤其在海外园区这一跨国合作的过程中,合作伙伴就显得尤为重要。新自由主义背景下的政策移动性研究具有一定的局限性,往往关注全球城市区域、智慧城市等西方语境下的区域发展。纳入合作伙伴到中国海外园区的政策移动性分析,将有助于丰富政策移动性和“一带一路”概念体系的深入研究。
2.3 “合作伙伴”视角下的政策移动性
“合作伙伴”(Partnership)分析法是管治研究领域的经典概念,其定义为组织环境、目标、结构和价值理念等特性差异的公共或私人组织、机构和个体的友好合作或同盟关系[32]。20世纪90年代以来,经济地理学迎来了“制度、文化、关系转向”[33],地理学领域中,全球、区域、次区域及城市的多尺度合作伙伴关系近年来成为研究热点。Luo等[34]将长江三角洲地区的城市间合作伙伴归纳为等级式、自发式与混合式3种类型。差异化的宏观经济环境与制度、文化背景塑造了海外园区差异化的制度环境,海外园区母国与驻在国中央政府的合作伙伴关系将为海外园区的启动建设奠定宏观制度基础。在海外园区的发展中,当地政府部门、居民、非政府组织以及其他参与者均深刻地影响海外园区的政策移动性的制定。正如“一带一路”倡议坚持的“共商、共建、共享”的原则,充分保障驻在国各方平等地参与海外园区建设成为海外园区可持续发展的核心要素。因此,本文中政策移动性的合作伙伴关系体现在国家、地方和企业、个人不同尺度多元主体对海外园区政策制定与实施的综合统筹协作。
但需要着重强调的一点是,海外园区建设与运营过程中,龙头公司及其合作伙伴往往是以园区促进当地发展的先行者。发展中国家经济体多为出口导向型发展策略,由跨国公司和国内企业合作伙伴协调作用驱动。这种模式在严峻的地缘政治环境中(例如在某些发达国家严酷的外贸制裁下),海外园区龙头企业充分利用了本地的资源,和全球零部件供应商形成了紧密的产业网络[30]。海外园区作为特殊的经济空间单元,龙头企业与其合作伙伴为先导,催化了国家、地方等多尺度不同主体间的合作伙伴关系,即经历了不同地理尺度在等级、次序和功能差别的产生、重组与协调的经济社会空间建构过程,地理****称之为对尺度实施转换(Scale Jumping)的过程,包括了“提升尺度”(Upscaling)、与“降低尺度”(Downscaling)的过程[29]。提升尺度指的是将某个事件或项目提升到大尺度主体空间来使其向有利于主体自身的方向发展,降低尺度反之亦然。下文以泰中罗勇工业园为案例揭示了龙头企业合作伙伴通过提升尺度来促进其政策移动性的过程与机理。
3 案例区与数据来源
3.1 泰中罗勇工业园概况
泰中罗勇工业园为首批“国家级境外经贸合作区”,于2005年在泰国东部罗勇府建成,总规划面积12 km2,截至2020年5月,一、二期共4 km2,已经全部开发完毕,所有厂房均有企业入驻运营;三期工程已动工,重点引进中高端制造行业。案例区位于泰国重要经济增长空间—东部经济走廊(Eastern Economic Corridor, EEC)内,距离泰国首都曼谷114 km,距泰国最大深水港廉差邦深水海港27 km(图1)。东部经济走廊建设是近年来泰国政府正在积极推进4.0战略中的核心项目,旨在提速长期以来为东南亚区域制造业和贸易中心的原东部海岸三府(春武里、罗勇和北柳)。目前案例区已形成了良好的产业集聚效应,入驻了汽摩及其零部件、新能源新材料、机械、电子、建材五金等120多家中国企业,累计总产值120亿美元,雇佣泰籍员工32000人,中国员工2000人。图1
新窗口打开|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图1泰中罗勇工业园区位图
Fig. 1Location of Thai-Chinese Rayong Industrial Zone
3.2 案例区的主体合作伙伴
龙头企业为“一带一路”的排头兵,在海外产业园区建设中扮演着先行者的重要作用。就本案例而言,泰中罗勇工业园见证了华立集团企业家精神和政策移动性的成功运用。华立集团(以下代称为“H企业”)的雏形为1970年在中国浙江省余杭镇创建的“竹制雨具厂”。1971年通过生产电度表成功转型为工业企业,1982年被命名为“华立”商标(英文为“Holley”)。这一转型正是中国江浙民营经济、乡镇企业“乡村工业化”的缩影[35]。随后,H企业响应国家“走出去”战略,于2000年提出了“资本管理、技术创新、国际化”三大战略,并采取了一系列措施。其中之一即是2000年在泰国成立了华立(泰国)电器有限公司,并在安美德工业园建立了厂房,面向泰国及其他东盟国家、欧美市场生产电器产品。2004年H企业在泰国又成立了钱江贸易公司,以加速中国和泰国之间的电器进出口贸易。总之,H企业起步于20世纪70年代东部沿海地区的民营经济与乡村工业化,90年代初通过国际化战略扩大全球生产和市场网络。在这一政策移动过程中,彰显了其尺度特征与伙伴关系效应:面对海外多样化的制度环境,在国内蓬勃发展的企业家政策实践未必会在海外顺利实施,伙伴关系将在海外的政策移动性当中发挥关键作用。合作伙伴关系(Partnership)可定义为公共或私营行动者之间的组织或机构联盟[36]。在本案例中,泰国安美德有限公司(以下代称为“A企业”)为泰中罗勇工业园的核心开发商,其与H企业的良好合作伙伴关系,促成了工业园的顺利建设与运营。A企业成立于1989年,目前已成为泰国工业地产的领军企业,于1997年成为上市公司。A企业的董事长拥有1/8的华人血统,遂成为泰中伙伴关系的有力推动者。泰中罗勇工业园位于A企业的罗勇工业园内,其他3个该集团建造和运营的工业园园区还包括安美德春武里工业园、安美德越南工业城和安美德龙城工业城,均立足于培育具有可持续创新增长能力的城市。与此同时,A企业在泰国的园区,注重与泰国产业战略及分区的有机结合,力图促进泰国东部经济走廊产业集群的打造。A企业在产业发展方面的丰富政策经验以及与泰国政府的良好关系对泰中罗勇工业区的顺利建设和运营产生了深远的影响。
3.3 数据来源及研究方法
本文采用调研访谈、质性分析等方法,数据与资料来源于多种渠道:研究团队2013年之后先后参与数次“一带一路”建设座谈会,听取企业“走出去”的业务发展需求和建议,获取了相应的园区及企业数据。研究团队于2018年11月、2019年7月两次赴泰国进行案例深入调研与访谈,深入访谈的对象包括泰中罗勇工业园管委会、中策橡胶集团有限公司(简称中策橡胶)等园区各方参与者和泰国汇商银行、朱拉隆功大学等泰国智库机构,以及中国交通建设集团等多家“走出去”企业。下文将定性剖析了泰中罗勇工业园的主体合作伙伴及其提升尺度来进一步促进政策移动性的过程,进而揭示了关键参与者及其合作伙伴关系对海外园区政策移动性的重要作用。
4 合作伙伴视角下案例区建设的政策移动性研究
4.1 企业层面的战略合作伙伴关系
该部分重点从泰中双方的企业合作伙伴关系,来剖析海外园区政策移动性顺利实施的制度结构。H企业与A企业的战略合作伙伴关系是园区顺利建设运营的基础,双方战略合作伙伴的制度性载体为合资公司。早在2000年,时任H企业的计划经营部部长的X(化名)到泰国开设工厂。2005年7月,在X与A企业董事长Q(化名)的共同推动下,双方签订了在罗勇共建工业园区的备忘录。H企业是罗勇工业园区的股东,直接参与实施的是其控股企业,该公司与A企业合资成立了泰中罗勇工业园开发有限公司(以下简称为“罗勇公司”),其中中方占股70%,泰方占股30%。整体上,罗勇公司负责园区的建设规划(表1)。Tab. 1
表1
表1泰中罗勇工业园的战略合作伙伴关系
Tab. 1
泰国 | 中国 | |
---|---|---|
国家层面 | 泰国投资促进委员会(The Board of Investment, BOI) | 中国商务部等 |
省级层面 | 罗勇府 | 浙江省 |
公司层面 | A企业 | H企业 |
合资公司(泰中罗勇工业园开发有限公司) | 泰方占股30% | 中方占股70% |
分工 | 泰方重点承担园区的基础设施建设工作,包括园区供水、供电、道路、厂房等;土地供给及永久所有权;泰籍员工的招聘等。 | 企业选择与业态控制;面向中国企业提供“一站式”服务,包括公司注册、税务、开户和BOI资质证书申领等,提供目标市场、产业政策、法律法规、优惠政策、税务金融、劳动力招聘等咨询服务。 |
新窗口打开|下载CSV
双方企业清晰明确的权责分工是政策移动性的基础。罗勇公司的中方面向中资企业提供全流程落户泰中罗勇的一站式服务,包括为入园企业办理公司注册、税务、开户和BOI资质证书的申领等,提供目标市场、产业政策、法律法规、优惠政策、税务金融、劳动力招聘等方面的咨询服务。同时,罗勇公司中方通过组建商会的形式,一方面提高了中资企业在泰的组织化程度;另一方面帮助中资企业解决在泰的嵌入性问题,通过不定期组织经验交流活动,邀请泰国海关、税务、劳工、电力等政府部门的官员与专家来园区与企业进行交流,促进中资企业合法权益的保障,倡导企业加强自律,履行企业社会责任。同时,作为安美德工业园的子园区,泰中罗勇工业园一开始便确立了清晰的定位与分工,即面向中资企业落户泰国投资的经贸合作园区,罗勇公司中方通过招商和选商来严格控制园区的业态,以确保形成上下游协同的产业集群,避免中资企业之间的同质化竞争。目前,泰中罗勇工业园立足于泰国在农业、橡胶、汽车等产业方面的优势,选择了新泰车轮制造有限公司、中策橡胶等引领型企业,形成了汽配、机械、电子等行业的产业集群。
泰方企业重点承担园区的基础设施建设工作,即园区土地、供水、供电、道路、厂房等。总体上,良好的园区建设分工以及对企业社会责任的充分实施,帮助中资企业规避了初入异国的制度差异风险,体现了政策移动性在异国当地的嵌入性。根据笔者2018年11月的当地访谈结果,泰中罗勇工业园建园之初,为尊重当地原住民的意愿,园区部分土地绕路开发。基于泰国佛教为主的文化环境,园区建立了一些小型佛像,以示对当地宗教文化的尊重。园区还在当地的传统节日里开展捐资助学等慈善活动。同时,这种嵌入性还体现在泰方员工的充分融入。截至2019年底,泰中罗勇工业园已有近120家中资企业入园,为泰国解决本地就业3万余人。因此,跨国战略伙伴关系的确立与实施,是海外项目践行政策移动性的关键。泰中罗勇工业园的案例表明,选择具有一定实力、良好形象、社会责任感的合作伙伴,有利于企业快速融入当地社会,实现优势互补、合作共赢。
4.2 中泰全面战略合作伙伴关系下的政策移动性
中泰紧密的政治经济联系为泰中罗勇工业园合作伙伴的政策移动性奠定了基础。自1971年中国—泰国正式建交以来,政治互信深厚,经贸文化联系紧密,双边关系稳步向前。2003年,时任国家主席的胡锦涛同志在与泰国政要会面时,提出了在泰国建设境外经贸合作区的构想,在泰国已有投资的H企业率先行动,泰国政府积极回应,2005年泰中罗勇工业园正式建立。2012年《中华人民共和国和泰王国关于建立全面战略合作伙伴关系的联合声明》,标志着中泰全面战略合作伙伴关系正式建立。随着“一带一路”倡议的稳步推进,中泰双方签署了《共同推进“一带一路”建设谅解备忘录》,泰中罗勇工业园通过提升尺度的策略,成功列入共建“一带一路”项目清单。一系列的政治经济协定是中泰之间友好合作伙伴关系的重要成果,为各层级合作伙伴的政策移动性提供了保障。税收、外汇、用地等方面的特殊政策已成为国内外特殊经济区增强其竞争力的政策工具。作为特殊经济区的一种,海外园区的政策移动性体现为国内园区政策与驻在国相关政策的有机集合。就本案例而言,中国在产业园区建设方面的经验与泰国的本底条件相结合,成功孵化了特殊经济空间的相关政策,体现了中泰全面战略合作伙伴的政策移动性。泰国清晰和易商的土地产权是其成为东盟招商热土的关键因素。根据泰国投资促进委员会(BOI)规定,外资制造业投资泰国可以100%控股,在工业区购置土地可获永久所有权地契,享受国家给予的税收及非税收优惠等。泰中罗勇工业园可享受以上优惠政策。虽然依据区位,泰中罗勇工业园仅能享受到BOI一般工业区的投资鼓励政策。但在中泰全面战略合作伙伴关系的背景下,中泰双方为园区争取到了BOI优惠权益最多的三区政策,即前8年所得税全免,后5年所得税减半,以及其他税务减免和优惠政策,如表2所示。与此同时,作为中泰全面战略合作伙伴的标志性项目,泰国政府将泰中罗勇工业园的土地规划列入到BOI三区的整体发展规划之中,为其建设提供高标准的基础设施配套,在基础设施和园区建设费用、外籍员工携带家属、自由外汇汇出权利等政策上也给予更大幅度的优惠。同时,通过提升尺度的策略,泰中罗勇工业园叠加享受中国出口信贷的资金奖励政策。例如,境外贷款贴息、境外投资补助、前期考察补助、信用保险贴息等。
Tab. 2
表2
表2泰中罗勇工业园的政策移动性
Tab. 2
类型 | 政策集合 |
---|---|
税收 | 企业所得税最高8年全免(分行业差异化优惠,如知识型、高科技产业免8年企业所得税) 免缴进口机器关税8年 以外销为目的的进口原材料免缴关税5年等 |
成本 | 交通、水、电等费用作为成本自所得税中双倍扣除,初次销售之日起为期10年 基础设施的安装和建设费的25%在利润中扣除,从有收入之日起10年内 |
外汇 | 区内企业自由外汇汇出 |
雇员 | 可携入外籍技工或专家及其配偶 |
土地 | 外籍人士可拥有土地所有权 |
新窗口打开|下载CSV
4.3 各级政府合作伙伴关系下的提升尺度
泰中罗勇工业园经历了持续的提升尺度过程[37],各级政府及社会各界的资源汇入泰中罗勇工业园,强化了园区的合作伙伴关系,有效促进了园区的产业集聚发展,如图2所示。起步于民营企业主导的境外产业园区,泰中罗勇工业园的成长,逐渐升级为“国家级境外经贸合作区”、“浙江省推进‘一带一路’建设成果清单示范园区”等多层级示范园区。“关系”在华人全球生产网络提升尺度过程中扮演了关键作用[38]。在本案例中,浙江省“关系”在中国企业“走出去”过程中起到了积极催化剂的作用,吸引、协助中国企业对泰投资。作为浙江省民营企业“走出去”的典型代表,泰中罗勇工业园成功集聚了各类浙江元素。一方面,浙江省政府及相关机构,积极搭建宣传平台,宣传泰国及泰中罗勇工业园的投资环境,引导国内外资本进入泰中罗勇工业园。浙江省企业遂成为泰中罗勇工业园外商直接投资的主力军,直接落户园区,例如,浙江籍入园企业中策橡胶与盾安等已成为中泰产能合作的先行者。另一方面,各级平台协助国内,尤其是浙江企业打通泰国出口市场渠道,与泰中罗勇工业园形成了密切的产业链。2019年泰中罗勇工业园成功入选浙江省推进“一带一路”建设成果清单示范园区。此外,泰国罗勇府与浙江省保持着积极的合作伙伴关系,促进双边的经贸文化交流。2018年浙江省友好省府泰国罗勇府代表团访问了温州商会,罗勇府的达信中学学生代表团到浙江交通职业技术学校签订友好协议,提升尺度过程中各层级的合作伙伴关系网络正在全面建成。图2
新窗口打开|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图2合作伙伴视角下泰中罗勇工业园的政策移动性
Fig. 2The conceptual framework of policy mobility and partnership for Thai-Chinese Rayong Industrial Zone
4.4 政策移动性的全球拓展
结合了中国特殊经济区的发展经验以及泰国本地的本底条件,泰中罗勇工业园已提升尺度为“一带一路”海外园区的旗舰项目,其政策移动性在“一带一路”框架下全面推广。根据H企业的发展战略报告,H企业正着手实施“三大三小”的海外园区战略:即在泰国(面向东盟和南亚)、墨西哥(面向美洲)、北非(面向欧洲、中东、非洲)分别开发一个规模达到10 km2以上的海外园区,同时适时在缅甸、乌兹别克斯坦、乌干达再各开发一个3~5 km2的小型特色海外园区。泰中罗勇工业园的员工已成为政策移动性的传播者,被调往其他海外园区传授管理经验。2015年由H企业主导,联合中国富通集团、墨西哥桑托斯家族三方合作伙伴共同开发建设的北美华富山工业园启动。该园区位于墨西哥新莱昂州蒙特雷市北部,定位为综合性工业新城,力图吸引汽摩配、信息技术、机械设备、新能源、电子等类型的中国企业在此集聚,占地总面积为8.5 km2。5 结论与政策建议
海外园区是“一带一路”建设的重要空间载体。本文从合作伙伴的视角,以泰中罗勇工业园为案例,探讨了母国与驻在国产业政策在海外园区复制、移动、孵化的政策移动性过程。中泰国家层面及地方政府的全面战略合作伙伴,H企业和A企业两家合作伙伴通过合资公司的制度性载体实现了政策移动性。泰中罗勇工业园逐渐升级为“国家级境外经贸合作区”“浙江省推进‘一带一路’建设成果清单示范园区”等多层级示范园区。在这一提升尺度的过程中,各级政府及社会各界的资源汇入泰中罗勇工业园。同时,泰中罗勇工业园的政策移动性在“一带一路”框架下全面推广,H企业力图在缅甸、墨西哥等国家建立“三大三小”的海外园区体系。通过泰中罗勇工业园的案例研究表明,国家政府、龙头企业及合作企业、地方政府等关键参与者的合作伙伴关系起到了关键催化剂作用。本文对于政策移动性理论的贡献在于通过中国海外园区的案例研究,说明注重当地关键角色合作伙伴关系的培养与嵌入到本地发展对于政策移动性的重要性。为促进“一带一路”中国海外园区的顺利建设,本文认为:① 务实推动“共商共建共享”的合作理念,引导海外园区建设各行为主体的多层级合作伙伴关系,鼓励专业工业园区开发商根据投资目的地的资源禀赋和经济情况,因地制宜的投资、建设、运营园区,同时积极探索与海外的成熟园区开发运营商建立合作伙伴关系。② 国家层面加强针对海外园区的部门协调机制,统筹规划,分级分类指导。借鉴欧美国家普遍采用的对外援助、投资、贸易三位一体的国际开发合作战略,通过国际合作专属机构,统筹海外园区建设、投资与贸易。③ 拓展国际投资与保险合作网络。支持国内大型银行、保险业等机构加强海外合作伙伴网络体系建构,形成有利于海外安全投资的平台网络体系。此外,发挥海外华侨、华人民间力量,通过当地民众、非政府组织等关键角色促进中国的海外园区建设。④ 抓住海上丝绸之路建设、中国—东盟自由贸易区升级等带来的新机遇,积极开拓中国海外园区在贸易、投资、人文合作等方面的政策移动性。
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DOI:10.11820/dlkxjz.2015.05.001URL [本文引用: 1]
The Belt and Road Initiative—where the "Belt" stands for the Silk Road Economic Belt and the "Road" stands for the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road—is a call of China for new modes of regional economic cooperation under the trend of development of economic globalization. It targets at promoting orderly and free flow of economic factors, efficient allocation of resources, and deep integration of markets; enabling the countries along the Belt and Road to achieve economic policy coordination and carry out broader, deeper, and more efficient economic cooperation; and jointly building an open, inclusive, and balanced regional economic cooperation architecture. Thus the Belt and Road Initiative is an alternative road to further economic globalization, but contains ideas that are different from the past, that is, the spirit of the Silk Road—"peace and cooperation, openness and inclusiveness, mutual learning and win-win." Based on such an understanding, this article first analyzes the general background of the Belt and Road Initiative against economic globalization and the changing configurations of the world, and then discusses the Initiative's spatial connotation by revealing its multi-scalar and trans-scalar characteristics. The article points out that the Belt and Road Initiative is a national strategy, rather than a regional strategy, to coordinate all-around opening of China to the world and promote further integration of the country into the global economy. Last, the article suggests several research themes in geography that are brought about by the Belt and Road Initiative, including geopolitical studies, geography of countries of the region to explore cooperation opportunities, foreign direct investment theories advanced by the Belt and Road Initiative, and optimization of transcontinental transportation.
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DOI:10.11820/dlkxjz.2015.05.001URL [本文引用: 1]
The Belt and Road Initiative—where the "Belt" stands for the Silk Road Economic Belt and the "Road" stands for the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road—is a call of China for new modes of regional economic cooperation under the trend of development of economic globalization. It targets at promoting orderly and free flow of economic factors, efficient allocation of resources, and deep integration of markets; enabling the countries along the Belt and Road to achieve economic policy coordination and carry out broader, deeper, and more efficient economic cooperation; and jointly building an open, inclusive, and balanced regional economic cooperation architecture. Thus the Belt and Road Initiative is an alternative road to further economic globalization, but contains ideas that are different from the past, that is, the spirit of the Silk Road—"peace and cooperation, openness and inclusiveness, mutual learning and win-win." Based on such an understanding, this article first analyzes the general background of the Belt and Road Initiative against economic globalization and the changing configurations of the world, and then discusses the Initiative's spatial connotation by revealing its multi-scalar and trans-scalar characteristics. The article points out that the Belt and Road Initiative is a national strategy, rather than a regional strategy, to coordinate all-around opening of China to the world and promote further integration of the country into the global economy. Last, the article suggests several research themes in geography that are brought about by the Belt and Road Initiative, including geopolitical studies, geography of countries of the region to explore cooperation opportunities, foreign direct investment theories advanced by the Belt and Road Initiative, and optimization of transcontinental transportation.
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Beijing: China Social Sciences Publishing House,
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北京: 中国社会科学出版社,
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DOI:10.3390/su11010001URL [本文引用: 2]
DOI:10.11821/dlxb201510002URL [本文引用: 1]
In recent years, the Free Economic Zones (FEZs), as a product of economic globalization and regional economic integration, have become the growth poles of economic development in developing countries, the motivations of urbanization and a significant stage for the reforms of related institutions. In China, there is an urgent need to construct free trade zones in order to meet the new challenges of globalization and international trade structure, to strengthen the reform motivation, and to carry out the national strategies of One Belt and One Road and Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei integration. At present, some experts and scholars scrutinize the rules and factors contributing to FEZs' development based on the qualitative analysis. However, they are still confronted with less research on evolution law in FEZs on account of quantitative research methods. Therefore, this paper applies methodologies such as interview, and questionnaire to collect data based on domestic and overseas theories and case studies about FEZs. It also adopts the analysis of hierarchy process and fuzzy evaluation method, selects seven elements: policies, markets, environments, industries, inputs, benefits and innovativeness, and establishes the index system and evaluation model of FEZs' development evolution mechanism. Finally, with the aid of the model and combined with the actual situation of Tianjin Binhai New Area, the paper analyzes the main driving forces of Tianjin Pilot Free Trade Zone's development dynamic mechanism. This study is an asset to the transformation and development of the FEZs in China as well as further theoretical research in the future.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201510002URL [本文引用: 1]
In recent years, the Free Economic Zones (FEZs), as a product of economic globalization and regional economic integration, have become the growth poles of economic development in developing countries, the motivations of urbanization and a significant stage for the reforms of related institutions. In China, there is an urgent need to construct free trade zones in order to meet the new challenges of globalization and international trade structure, to strengthen the reform motivation, and to carry out the national strategies of One Belt and One Road and Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei integration. At present, some experts and scholars scrutinize the rules and factors contributing to FEZs' development based on the qualitative analysis. However, they are still confronted with less research on evolution law in FEZs on account of quantitative research methods. Therefore, this paper applies methodologies such as interview, and questionnaire to collect data based on domestic and overseas theories and case studies about FEZs. It also adopts the analysis of hierarchy process and fuzzy evaluation method, selects seven elements: policies, markets, environments, industries, inputs, benefits and innovativeness, and establishes the index system and evaluation model of FEZs' development evolution mechanism. Finally, with the aid of the model and combined with the actual situation of Tianjin Binhai New Area, the paper analyzes the main driving forces of Tianjin Pilot Free Trade Zone's development dynamic mechanism. This study is an asset to the transformation and development of the FEZs in China as well as further theoretical research in the future.
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DOI:10.1007/s11442-018-1526-5URL [本文引用: 1]
The development of overseas industrial parks is a key component of the Belt and Road Initiative and an expected experimental way of promoting inclusive globalization by inventing new forms of cooperation between China and local host countries. Policy mobility, a classic theory within international political geography addressing the connection between local and global policies, has implications for overseas industrial parks development. In this paper, we argue that policies are not easily moved directly from one place to another; instead, policies are embedded due to the role of local actors in policy mobility. This article first provides an overview of seven China-Southeast Asia economic and trade cooperation zones identified by the Ministry of Commerce, and analyzes their key participants. It then discusses policy mobility by looking into the roles of revenue, land, and talent in developing these industrial parks. The paper finds that these parks face challenges, such as the complicated geographical environments of host countries, huge pressure from enterprise investment capital, the lack of overseas service platforms, and underdeveloped agglomeration economies. In the light of the current situation, policy suggestions for the future sustainable development of overseas industrial parks are put forward.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201502009URL [本文引用: 1]
From a territorial perspective, urbanization is the process of the (re-) territorialization of urban spaces, in which space resources are constantly allocated among individuals and social groups. The collapse of the Danwei system and subsequent establishment of the community system in 1990 reflect a new form of governmental territorialization in the urban grassroots. Our study, focusing on the Dongtai community in Dongguan city, analyzes the dynamic territorial politics of government, market, and civil society in the urban grassroots of China. The Dongtai community is situated in the southern Dongcheng District of Dongguan and has an area of 3.8 square kilometers with 62,000 permanent residents, 76% of whom have no household registration. The fieldwork was conducted from the end of 2012 to the beginning of 2013. The dominant administrative territorialization under the Danwei system has significantly been replaced by market territorialization, in which the participation of civil forces has also increased. However, the lack of a mechanism for coordinating territorialization and deviated orientation of the government has caused the urban grassroots to engage in vicious territorial politics with the prevailing market forces, weakened administrative forces, and heavily suppressed civil forces. That accounts for the reason why the community system is still far from achieving the ideal status of urban governance. Therefore, institutional reform should construct multi-agent governing territorial units and mechanisms of territorial politics for urban grassroots management. The role of the government should be transformed from regulator to mediator of territorial structure, which in turn will motivate the civil forces to participate in urban governance, create diverse mediums of territorial politics, and prevent administrative and capital powers from over-permeating into the daily spaces. Resident-rights groups (e.g., owner committee) and indirect administrative territorialization (e.g., official means of laws, institutions, and planning) should be explored.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201502009URL [本文引用: 1]
From a territorial perspective, urbanization is the process of the (re-) territorialization of urban spaces, in which space resources are constantly allocated among individuals and social groups. The collapse of the Danwei system and subsequent establishment of the community system in 1990 reflect a new form of governmental territorialization in the urban grassroots. Our study, focusing on the Dongtai community in Dongguan city, analyzes the dynamic territorial politics of government, market, and civil society in the urban grassroots of China. The Dongtai community is situated in the southern Dongcheng District of Dongguan and has an area of 3.8 square kilometers with 62,000 permanent residents, 76% of whom have no household registration. The fieldwork was conducted from the end of 2012 to the beginning of 2013. The dominant administrative territorialization under the Danwei system has significantly been replaced by market territorialization, in which the participation of civil forces has also increased. However, the lack of a mechanism for coordinating territorialization and deviated orientation of the government has caused the urban grassroots to engage in vicious territorial politics with the prevailing market forces, weakened administrative forces, and heavily suppressed civil forces. That accounts for the reason why the community system is still far from achieving the ideal status of urban governance. Therefore, institutional reform should construct multi-agent governing territorial units and mechanisms of territorial politics for urban grassroots management. The role of the government should be transformed from regulator to mediator of territorial structure, which in turn will motivate the civil forces to participate in urban governance, create diverse mediums of territorial politics, and prevent administrative and capital powers from over-permeating into the daily spaces. Resident-rights groups (e.g., owner committee) and indirect administrative territorialization (e.g., official means of laws, institutions, and planning) should be explored.
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DOI:10.1080/00343400050006113URL [本文引用: 1]
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DOI:10.1111/j.1478-9302.2012.00276.xURL [本文引用: 1]
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DOI:10.1177/0969776411420029URL [本文引用: 1]
This paper makes a contribution to the fledgling literature on policy mobilities and mutations. Using the example of the internationalization of the Business Improvement District (BID) model, it argues that conferences constitute important arenas in and through which both the mobilizing and embedding of urban policies can occur. Focusing on a two-day conference that took place in Sweden in 2009, it uses the language of trans-urban policy pipelines in order to capture the formation of relationships over distance as a means of comparing, educating and learning about the experiences of other cities. Revealing the complex architectures and ecologies that have underpinned the movement of this model from one country to another and from one city to another over the last two decades or so, the paper uses a combination of ethnographic techniques together with semi-structured interviews and questionnaires with organizers and participants to produce a single-site but relationally thickened description of the place of conferences in facilitating the movement of policies across space.
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DOI:10.1111/1468-2427.12254URL [本文引用: 1]
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DOI:10.1016/j.geoforum.2009.11.005URL [本文引用: 2]
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DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2014.03.001URL [本文引用: 1]
Scholars have widely discussed the issue of how to govern rapidly growing metropolitan regions under the economic, social and political pressures of globalization. Many have argued for a metropolitan governance approach that involves less government regulation and more flexible arrangements between public and civic sectors. However, in countries like China, where a traditionally centralized state controls most resources and seeks to impose its vision for metropolitan development, a strong state-led approach is widely adopted. This article analyzes such a state-led model in China and identifies the economic and political factors that contribute to such development. It is suggested that metropolitan governance in China has formed a strong top-down, "dirigiste type" model to achieve state objectives. Findings are drawn from field observation, archival research and socio-economic data analysis in the Guangzhou-Foshan metropolitan region of the Pearl River Delta region in China. (C) 2014 Elsevier Ltd.
//Aghion P, Durlauf S. ,
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DOI:10.1016/j.habitatint.2008.04.002URL [本文引用: 1]
Abstract
Inter-city cooperation in the Yangtze River Delta region is a new phenomenon and has received much governmental and scholarly attention in recent years. This paper examines inter-city cooperation from partnership perspective. In this study, three typical cases of inter-city cooperation, Suzhou–Wuxi–Changzhou City-region Planning, the Forum for the Coordination of Urban Economy of Yangtze River Delta Region and Jiangyin Economic Development Zone in Jingjiang are selected to examine three types of partnership arrangements, namely, hierarchical partnership, spontaneous partnership and hybrid partnership. This research applies the partnership approach to regional scale based on Chinese experiences. The research focus of this paper is the effectiveness of three types of inter-city cooperation. Through tracing the process of partnership formation and investigating stakeholder interactions, this paper argues that the effectiveness of inter-city cooperation depends on cooperation mechanism, the nature and scope of the cooperation, and partner selection and the roles of actors in partnership formation.,
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DOI:10.1080/01900692.2013.836665URL [本文引用: 1]
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201808005URL [本文引用: 1]
With the implementation of the strategy of "Going Global" and the Belt and Road Initiative, China is playing a critical role in the global economy. Along with the increasing globalization of Chinese enterprises, China has gradually become an influential force in the global market. The contemporary literature has revealed how overseas Chinese networks and communities promoted foreign investments into China in the past four decades. Whether these networks and communities can drive Chinese capital to expand overseas once again is ambiguous. Employing the classical location theory, this study examines Chinese corporate investments in Southeast Asia from 2001 to 2016. Data were collected from official information of Chinese corporations released by the Ministry of Commerce of China. This research covers 10 countries located in Southeast Asia including Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, Brunei, Vietnam, Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos. Utilizing the discrete-selection logit regression model, the study analyzed the correlation between overseas Chinese social networks and the site selection of Chinese outbound investment. The results show that: (1) overall, the positive correlation between the number of overseas Chinese in Southeast Asian countries and the location choice of Chinese outbound investment is apparently significant; (2) in terms of time sequence, the significance of the correlation is soaring up, indicating that overseas Chinese have potentials in imposing positive impact on the promotion of locational choice of Chinese enterprises while the impact is potentially on the rise; (3) as for industrial structure and corporate functions, the impact is various and significant only in some industries and corporate segments. These findings affirm the positive value of overseas Chinese social networks on the globalization of Chinese corporations. Considering the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, this paper suggests that Chinese government should pay more attention to the improvement of the interactions between Chinese enterprises and overseas Chinese networks.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201808005URL [本文引用: 1]
With the implementation of the strategy of "Going Global" and the Belt and Road Initiative, China is playing a critical role in the global economy. Along with the increasing globalization of Chinese enterprises, China has gradually become an influential force in the global market. The contemporary literature has revealed how overseas Chinese networks and communities promoted foreign investments into China in the past four decades. Whether these networks and communities can drive Chinese capital to expand overseas once again is ambiguous. Employing the classical location theory, this study examines Chinese corporate investments in Southeast Asia from 2001 to 2016. Data were collected from official information of Chinese corporations released by the Ministry of Commerce of China. This research covers 10 countries located in Southeast Asia including Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, Brunei, Vietnam, Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos. Utilizing the discrete-selection logit regression model, the study analyzed the correlation between overseas Chinese social networks and the site selection of Chinese outbound investment. The results show that: (1) overall, the positive correlation between the number of overseas Chinese in Southeast Asian countries and the location choice of Chinese outbound investment is apparently significant; (2) in terms of time sequence, the significance of the correlation is soaring up, indicating that overseas Chinese have potentials in imposing positive impact on the promotion of locational choice of Chinese enterprises while the impact is potentially on the rise; (3) as for industrial structure and corporate functions, the impact is various and significant only in some industries and corporate segments. These findings affirm the positive value of overseas Chinese social networks on the globalization of Chinese corporations. Considering the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, this paper suggests that Chinese government should pay more attention to the improvement of the interactions between Chinese enterprises and overseas Chinese networks.