,1,2, 王文宇1, 郭琪3The inheritance, development and transformation of industrial geography in China: Based on analysis of articles published in Acta Geographica Sinica during 1934-2019
HE Canfei,1,2, WANG Wenyu1, GUO Qi3收稿日期:2020-05-26修回日期:2021-04-27
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Received:2020-05-26Revised:2021-04-27
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贺灿飞(1972-), 男, 江西永新人, 教授, 博士生导师, 主要从事经济地理、产业与区域经济研究。E-mail:
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贺灿飞, 王文宇, 郭琪. 中国工业地理学的传承发展与转型. 地理学报, 2021, 76(8): 1815-1834 doi:10.11821/dlxb202108001
HE Canfei, WANG Wenyu, GUO Qi.
1 引言
工业是工业革命以来最主要的经济活动之一。工业地理是以地理学视角研究工业区位及其空间组织,为工业生产活动布局提供理论指导和规划依据。中国工业地理学建立初期以服务国家工业建设为宗旨,带有极强的实证性和应用性色彩,研究长期处于服务实践而忽视理论构建的状态。近年来中国工业地理与国际工业地理研究开始接轨,但是长期对理论思辨和哲学基础的忽视,很难产生深入对话和交流。总结中国工业地理阶段性研究成果,对比国内外工业地理研究进展,科学把握和梳理学科发展脉络和方向,对中国工业地理学科建设有十分重要的意义。一些****发表过工业地理研究进展综述论文,主要集中在国内工业地理发展脉络回顾、阶段性研究总结、西方工业地理研究进展和针对学科部分内容的梳理,但是没有将中国工业地理置于国际工业地理研究背景下进行系统梳理。在发展脉络回顾方面,张雷等对中国20世纪工业地理学的发展进行了梳理,认为中华人民共和国成立后中国工业地理学发展过程可以分为曲折成长期（1950—1978年）、全面成长期（1978—1997年）和兴旺发达期（2000—2010年）3个时期[1,2,3]。在阶段性研究总结方面,李文彦总结了1949年中华人民共和国成立后30年中国工业地理发展,主要围绕认识中国工业布局演变过程、服务地区工业发展规划、服务宏观工业发展战略和工业布局理论方法研究,认为未来发展除了继续服务于规划工作,应该注重理论研究且与国外研究结合起来[4];李小建从学科建设角度评述了1978—1999年中国工业地理学研究进展,侧重国外观点引入与融合、中国转型期实践和理论总结三方面,提出需要思维方式转变、理论研究和实践研究并重和中国特色与国际主流兼顾三条建议[5]。王缉慈在1994年对国内外西方工业地理和苏联工业地理学两大体系和不同流派的理论进行对比[6];高菠阳等在2010年总结了国内外工业地理理论发展进展,并介绍了近期实证研究进展[7]。上述研究基本上是脉络回顾性研究、阶段性总结研究,与国外工业地理总结性研究脱节。
《地理学报》自1934年创办以来,一直作为中国地理学最权威的学术期刊,是了解地理学理论基础和学科体系最重要的期刊。《地理学报》刊登了大量工业地理方面优秀成果,基本反映各时代地理学家思想和顶尖的研究成果。针对《地理学报》不同学科论文的梳理,可以帮助读者快速了解学科演化趋势和研究进展。评述《地理学报》创刊以来工业地理论文,管窥中国工业地理研究的变化历程和时代特色,为今后工业地理研究者提供科学参考。
2 工业地理学发展背景与脉络
2.1 工业地理研究范畴
工业地理研究工业生产分布特征、空间组织和空间活动基本规律,为工业生产活动的有效空间组合及合理发展提供可靠的理论指导和规划依据,是经济地理学的重要分支[4]。工业地理学早在19世纪末就已经在欧美发达国家萌芽,描述和分析各国各地区工业分布状况和演变过程,主要研究内容包括：① 工业生产过程和工业部门的空间组织模式,包括工业布局的一般性规律、部门工业空间组织、区域工业空间组织等;② 影响工业空间组织的主要因素,包括自然资源、劳动力、市场、社会文化因素等。工业地理学从诞生起就保持学科独特的活力,并与各学科交融过程中被不断重塑,并没有特定单一的方法、理论框架、技术体系与观点,这与学科的实证性质有关。全球化和知识经济时代的到来,工业生产方式发生重大改变,工业区位的形成要素不断变化,从简单到复杂,从分离到融合,从外生到内生,从全球化到地方化。随着工业部门生产模式、产品构成、市场结构、组织形式的转变,很难在空间中清晰识别工业经济活动。制造业或第二产业对地区发展的贡献作用越来越重要且越来越复杂,传统单纯研究工业区位的学科范畴显得有些狭隘,不利于工业地理学科发展。为清晰透彻的理解工业活动的分布规律,应该综合考虑各种因素,如社会、经济、政治、制度、文化等因素。因此,工业地理不仅仅要关注工业空间分布或区位选择,也要研究产品与服务生产的结构转变和生产空间、地点、地理循环方式改变,结合更广阔的领域去研究工业地理问题。
现代工业地理关注的问题与经济地理学关注的核心问题相似,如后福特主义生产模式和弹性专精生产模式[8],集聚与区域知识溢出[9];同时也会与服务业地理学[10]、金融地理学[11]有所交叉,也经常出现在政治地理学研究中[12]。国际上对于工业地理的研究范畴在21世纪初有一个断层,在探讨工业地理与区域发展、文化和劳动力市场话题后[13],工业地理的研究范畴从工业地理开始转为生产地理（Geographies of Production）[14],反映出国际工业地理****认为工业地理不能只关注工业问题的范围和概念,使用生产地理可以包含更多有意义、有价值的话题。工业地理研究范畴的改变可以进一步纳入经济地理学“关系转向”和“集群探讨”等话题。
2.2 学科发展背景
工业地理发展史具有博采众长、与时俱进的特点。工业地理大量借助其他学科理论,对现实问题比较敏感。工业地理前身是商业地理,主要提供商品活动的地理信息。真正的学科理论建构应该是Weber的《工业区位论》,该书以成本分析为基础,后来被Hoover继承发扬发展,逐渐形成较为成熟的区位相互依赖理论。从20世纪60年代开始,可变收益分析法在工业区位分析逐渐成为主流,尤其体现在中心地理论等理论中。同时期地理学“计量革命”推动了区位论发展,工业地理****在德国区位论学派基础上,运用计量统计学和新古典经济学理论范式来研究企业在资源与市场的权衡条件下的区位选择,逐渐形成了规范的工业区位理论,可以在假设条件下预测工业最优区位。此阶段重点研究内容包括区位决策行为、产业活动分布、城市土地租金和其对工业活动的影响。国际工业地理到20世纪中期之后,几乎每10年换一轮理论思潮。20世纪60年代工业地理****发现区位论需要的企业成本收益数据很难获取,而且区位论与真实世界中企业决策也有较大的区别,开始对企业展开实证研究。依靠深度访谈收集的资料,研究人员对决策者理性人假设提出挑战,开始出现关注基于非完全信息的决策对生产布局行为的影响,这一时期占据统治地位的是行为地理研究。20世纪70年代,企业行为地理出现两个彼此联系的主题,分别是追求次优解的企业区位决策和企业地理研究,其中企业地理研究强调工业组织在区位决策和工业活动空间组织的作用。以行为方法作为基础的工业地理研究逐渐从单一厂商选址到多工厂、多地点、多产品企业选址,再到关注整个空间工业系统的复杂性。
20世纪70年代后面对新自由主义下生产地域关系发展重大转变,也出现“滞胀”等一系列问题,****开始关注“结构主义”,强调经济危机、发展不平衡的政治经济学为工业地理学提供了理论分析框架。以Harvey为代表的地理学家从马克思的资本论吸纳理论来解释工业活动的重塑和逆工业化等现象。Massey的《劳动地域分工》也是代表作,在政治经济学方法论的影响下,对工业地理和空间发展不均等领域提供了良好的理论解释和深刻地实证分析。激进的加州学派也认为资本主义在重塑工业格局上具有创新、创造力和复兴能力。到20世纪80年代,英美地理学家针对规制理论进行探讨,奠定了工业地理下一个10年的思潮。
到20世纪80年代和90年代,全球化背景下跨国公司的跨区域组织生产网络,灵活的生产模式需要地方企业的配合,使得产业区的概念重新被工业地理****所关注,试图理解跨国公司与地方企业出现共聚现象,因此出现了新区域主义思潮。工业地理学在此阶段逐渐关注企业网络间信息交流对企业区位选择影响,而地方制度、社会网络、文化方面对企业活动影响较大。此阶段工业地理学强调的嵌入性和产业区也反映在整个地理学“文化转向”与“制度转向”中。此后,工业地理研究更加多元化,全球生产网络、制度经济地理、关系经济地理、演化经济地理、后结构经济地理、地理政治经济学等话题此起彼伏。
3 中国工业地理学科发展脉络与范式转变
工业地理文献均来源于1934—2019年《地理学报》发表的论文,通过中国知网（CNKI）的关键词搜索和《地理学报》网站期刊目录逐一甄别而得到。由于地理学论文普遍存在交叉性,工业地理研究与其他地理学分支学科成果交织共同出现。本文筛选论文的主要依据为是否涉及工业或制造业经济活动,包括工业生产区位、空间分布特征、演化规律等,具体关键词包括工业地理、产业地理、工业联系、工业集聚、产业集群、企业区位、投资区位、工业布局、产业区、工业企业等。由于中国工业地理从1949年中华人民共和国成立初期开始就参与国家的工业布局和战略规划,论文中涉及矿产资源开发、工业综合体、产业空间战略、老工业基地开发和工业土地开发等方面也被识别为工业地理论文。随着学科研究的深化和工业活动复杂化,清晰识别工业活动越来越困难,工业产品、服务生产和空间组织形式发生了结构性变化,因此本文将生产网络、全球化与产业发展等方面的论文也纳入进来。剔除书评、会议、新闻等非学术性论文后,最终得到研究期间中国工业地理论文共154篇,约占《地理学报》刊文总量的3.6%左右。3.1 论文变化情况
除去1967—1977年间停刊时间段,工业地理论文一共在44个年份中出现,即在《地理学报》60%载文时间内出现。从绝对量来看,工业地理的研究数量从20世纪80年代开始迅速增加（图1）。商业地理是工业地理前身,胡焕庸在1936年发表的“中国商业地理大纲”[15]可以算作《地理学报》第一篇工业地理的论文。除此之外,正式的工业地理第一篇论文是1944年任美锷发表的“工业区位的理论与中国工业区域”[16],系统介绍西方工业区位理论研究进展,论述中国战后工业重建工作。工业地理在20世纪50年代迎来一个小高峰,之后一直到1976年由于停刊缘故,工业地理研究成果处在停滞状态。1978—1997年是中国工业地理研究的崛起阶段,并在1986年和1997年达到两个阶段性的顶峰。2000年后研究又开始迅速增加,在2010年达到顶峰后保持相对稳定的趋势。图1
新窗口打开|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图11934—2019年《地理学报》工业地理研究论文数量
Fig. 1Statistics for the articles about industry geography in Acta Geographica Sinica in 1934-2019
中国工业地理研究发展脉络展示如表1所示,分别包括各阶段研究热点、研究内容、代表****和代表研究机构。根据之前****的总结、论文发表数量的变化趋势、关键词频相似度和研究内容相近性,将《地理学报》中工业地理研究分为4个阶段：1977年之前、1978—1990年、1991—2000年以及2001—2019年,分别代表诞生探索、成长总结、视角转换和稳步发展阶段。
Tab. 1
表1
表1基于《地理学报》刊文的中国工业地理发展脉络
Tab. 1
| 1977年前 | 1978—1990年 | 1991—2000年 | 2001—2019年 | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 主要研究内容 | 服务国家工业化进程和壮大学科自身发展条件 | 总结实践经验,空间战略建设 | 资源型工业布局、企业地理、乡村工业和外商投资 | 产业集群,工业区,制度,全球化、企业地理、演化 |
| 核心关键词 | 工业布局、工业区、资源、港口 | 工业布局、经济效果、资源、方案论证、工业分布 | 香港、外资、区域发展、乡镇企业、全球化 | 制造业、区位选择、地理集中、产业集群、京津冀、产业结构、全球化 |
| 代表 **** | 胡焕庸、任美锷、李文彦、李文华、胡序威 | 李文彦,陆大道、胡兆量、周一星、杨吾杨、魏心镇 | 陆大道、樊杰、李小建、杨开忠、梁进社、刘毅 | 王缉慈、樊杰、刘卫东、金凤君、曾刚、苗长虹、贺灿飞 |
| 代表研究机构 | 中国科学院地理研究所、南京大学、北京师范大学 | 中国科学院地理研究所、北京大学、北京师范大学 | 中国科学院地理研究所、北京大学、北京师范大学、中山大学 | 北京大学、中国科学院地理科学与资源研究所、华东师范大学、中山大学 |
| 代表性成就 | 工业布局影响因素作用和技术经济论证 | “点轴”发展战略、中国能源经济区划分 | 外资对中国区域发展多重效应、中国乡镇工业发展规律 | 跨国公司的“被动嵌入”、包容性全球化、区域产业路径突破、互动式创新环境的集群效应 |
| 发展阶段 | 诞生探索阶段 | 成长总结阶段 | 视角转换阶段 | 稳步发展阶段 |
新窗口打开|下载CSV
本文采用词云方式来可视化工业地理阶段性研究热点,关键词词云变化展示如图2所示。虽然研究主要针对中国,但是4个阶段研究的热点关键词、研究内容并不相同。从最早生产力配置、工业布局和经济效果的初步研究,到20世纪80年代工业布局、生产布局、生产地域结构,到20世纪90年代关注区域发展、沿海地区、外资和区位,再到21世纪开始关注制造业、产业结构、区位选择和产业集聚等。中国工业地理发展期间,中国科学院地理科学与资源研究所、北京大学、北京师范大学、中山大学等研究团队做出了卓越的贡献。
图2
新窗口打开|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图2不同时期中国工业地理研究热点关键词词云分析
Fig. 2Word cloud analysis of keywords for industrial geography research in different periods
3.2 阶段性实践、研究与代表性成就
（1）诞生探索阶段（1977年以前）。中国工业地理发展第一阶段是中国工业地理诞生探索阶段。中国工业地理学主要以配合国家工业建设和壮大学科自身条件为主,发表相关成果较少,但是为二战后工业生产布局做了极大贡献。1949年以前,中国工业地理****主要介绍国外工业地理理论,以西方工业区位论为主[16]。1949年以后,国家面临战后重建尤其是工业重建工作,在布局工业项目时需要工业地理****参与论证工业布局的合理性。为了配合自“一五”时期以来的大规模工业基本建设,经济地理工作者积极参与以重点项目布局和联合选厂为中心的区域规划工作、以及为摸清工业发展的资源基础和提高生产发展能力为中心的区域综合考察。为了为规划地区工业发展提供系统资料与科学论证,调查研究实践活动主要包括区域综合调查和工矿地区区域规划的前期调查研究。此阶段迅速扩大了学科的社会影响,使参与的****积累了大量工业布局和区域规划的宝贵实践经验,为改革开放后指导中国生产力布局和制定空间战略奠定了实践经验基础。
为提高重大工业建设项目布局规律研究和实证分析的理论水平,经济地理工作者还积极进行了以苏联工业地理学为主的有关工业地理学专著的翻译工作。为配合国家工业建设,在苏联工业地理学理论和经验的基础上,也开始对影响中国工业布局的自然与技术经济因素的作用进行了初步理论探讨。工业地理****先后发表了一些工业布局因素与原则[17,18]和工业项目经验介绍的论文[19]。比较有代表性研究成果主要涉及探讨工业布局理论和方法,如李文彦探讨了自然要素和技术要素对工业布局的作用和区域规划中工业布局研究内容[17];胡序威等研究了工业布局技术经济论证的内容与方法和矿产资源评价[18]。
（2）成长总结阶段（1978—1990年）。1978年改革开放后,工业生产和建设再次占据国家经济生活的主导地位。此阶段,中国工业地理学实践包括3个方面：① 区域规划的恢复和国土规划提上中央议事日程,经济地理****更广泛地参加了若干地区工业基地建设布局、生产力综合发展方向和若干重大项目的建设条件与选址综合研究;② 对城市集聚地区的工业布局研究;③ 为宏观工业发展战略服务与建议,包括全国工业总体和某些工业部门和地区工业的长远发展与布局战略等方面。
20世纪70年代末期,****们开始反思前期工业和城市规划的问题,认真总结规划项目经验,普遍认同正确认识生产力布局客观规律的重要性。理论研究主要有两方面内容：工业布局理论方法研究[20]和工业布局实践研究[21]。20世纪70年代后期,为区域规划服务和1978年以后为城市规划服务,工业地理学家对地区工业布局调查研究逐步得到深入,促进了工业布局理论方法研究。其中,工业布局理论研究内容有：① 对全国或地区范围矿产资源的经济评价,分析矿产资源对地域工业综合体的影响[22,23];② 地区工业体系与工业组合方面,研究地区工业体系的层次和形成因素和工业企业地域组合问题[24];③ 工业布局原则及有关因素与条件的研究,探讨工业布局与交通、能源资源、技术、环境等因素的关系[25];工业地理****在国土空间开发和区域发展战略上展开深入的调研和分析,发表一系列国土空间开发中工业合理分工与布局的论文[26]。
同时期西方工业地理理论,如区位论、区域发展和新工业区等理论和计量方法开始进入中国工业地理****视野。自魏心镇[27]出版第一部系统阐述西方工业布局原理和区位论的著作后,20世纪80年代中期有部分****在学习和反思的基础上,发表一些关于区位论和工业区等理论性学术论文。中国****针对工业区位论的研究普遍以介绍应用条件和问题为主,并没有完全撼动苏联工业布局理论在中国的地位。区位论研究普遍集中在区位论在中国国情下适应问题和区位论的应用问题[28]。在方法层面,经济地理****借助计量方法来分析工业地理的相关研究问题,如地区产业空间结构演化与发展战略、全国工业布局变化等。
在宏观工业发展战略方面,代表性研究成果有陆大道的《中国工业布局的理论与实践》,对中国工业布局理论进行了系统梳理,在总结经验基础上提出了“点—轴发展战略”[28]：工业生产的集聚点被线状基础设施联系成轴线,确定重点轴线就是确定中国工业生产的重点区域。李文彦等的中国能源重点开发区域区划研究[21]也是代表成就：把能源资源丰富度、供应能力等指标进行分级后综合考虑,从而提出中国能源开发重点区域。
（3）视角转换阶段（1991—2000年）。20世纪90年代,中国经济处于社会主义市场经济全面发展阶段,随之而来的是区域经济发展面临失衡问题,需要合理布局国家生产力和协调地区经济的发展。工业地理****为了促进地区分工与协作发展,根据各地区比较优势制定产业发展规划和空间战略,尤其是大经济区的规划工作。这一阶段中国工业地理学有两个重要的变化：中国工业地理学研究从苏联工业地理视角体系转向与西方工业地理视角融合,逐渐形成中国工业地理学特色理论体系;工业地理学逐渐从服务于实践的学科转向理论研究与实践并重的地位。从工业活动格局形成机理来看,中国强大的政府力量、特殊的政治制度对经济活动的空间格局和区域经济发展起着十分重要的作用[29]。同时,中国经济活动主体在决策中较多考虑政府导向和政府决策人偏好,形成具有中国特色的工业地理解释框架。
中国工业地理研究主流仍然是区域工业发展,关注区域开发和区域战略。在市场经济体制下,原有苏联工业地理理论无法解决现有的问题,使西方工业地理学理论逐渐被中国****接受,研究视角和分析方法与20世纪80年代有显著差异,逐渐引入西方工业地理学中经济全球化、市场运行机制、区域发展理论等观点来分析问题。随着中国嵌入全球经济更加深入和与西方工业地理理论的融合,中国工业地理研究内容开始与国际工业地理接轨,包括外资区位及其效应[30,31]、区域工业转型[32,33]、产业集聚[34]、公司地理和行为地理[34]。这一阶段现实背景是中国吸引大量外资,外资成为区域发展的一个新变量。中国农村工业快速增长以及对农区发展的带动,是世界各国工业化进程中的一种独特现象,引起了大量工业地理****的关注,包括农村工业地区差异[35]、农村工业区域类型[36]和外向型农村工业的省级差异[37]。
工业布局理论代表成果主要是在总结工业发展成果、分析生产要素在不同发展阶段的作用,并提出未来的可借鉴的经验和规律。如刘毅开展了20世纪90年代中国工业调整与对外贸易相关的研究[32];杨开忠总结了中国工业结构变化与区际经济增长和分工[33];赵令勋等总结劳动力、资金和技术在工业经济增长中的作用[38];王缉慈以工业技术创新、企业空间竞争和可持续发展观点分析国内外工业空间变化的机制和发展布局[6]。魏心镇等发表的《新的产业空间——高新技术开发区的发展与布局》[39]可以作为该时期中国****高科技产业研究代表作。李小建的《公司地理论》以微观视角来分析企业空间问题,系统介绍公司空间行为、空间系统结构及公司与环境的关系,以此作为分析框架来研究公司的管理与发展[40]。外资代表性的研究作品方面,李小建研究了外资对区域发展差异的多重效应[30, 41]：外资初始阶段可能会促进落后地区发展,缓和中国区域差异,但是随着地区逐渐发达,外资对地区发展的效应并不一致。另外,比较具有中国特色的农村工业,其代表成就为樊杰等[35, 37]中国乡镇工业发展规律相关研究,探讨了以镇区农村工业为主的乡镇企业产生和发展的机制,并发现中国乡镇企业上缴利润、管理费用和社会支出对乡镇城镇建设贡献突出。
（4）稳步发展阶段（2001—2019年）。进入21世纪迎来了20多年新的社会主义工业化阶段,工业地理在结合国家任务和与国际研究接轨平衡中完善自身。改革开放和市场化改革深刻影响中国经济飞速发展,但是区域发展不平衡问题开始凸显,伴随着传统影响工业布局的资源、交通等生产区位因素的作用开始下降,需要探寻新的工业布局方案和区域发展新动力,因此该时期主要任务是如何在嵌入全球经济的背景下解决区域发展不均衡问题。工业地理学****广泛参与国家及各层面的战略及规划,如主体功能区规划、西部大开发战略实施、东北老工业基地振兴、中部崛起规划、资源枯竭型城市规划、生态区域建设规划等重大发展战略规划研究,以及长三角、成渝地区、京津冀地区、粤港澳地区等重点区域规划和“一带一路”倡议等国际宏观战略。
工业地理在理论研究层面基本跟上了国际工业地理研究的步伐,但是研究内容带有中国特色的学科任务,在理论与任务相互交织下共同建立起相对成熟的中国特色工业地理学科体系。中国工业地理研究保持理论探讨与任务并重的特点,研究内容与国际接轨并呈现多元化趋势,研究对象更多是服务国家的实用性话题。专门针对学科任务类型的论文开始减少,大部分论文仍然具有实证和应用的意义,为不同类型的工业发展目标和不同尺度的政策制定与实施提出政策建议。在学科任务与理论背景的基础上,研究重点主要针对全球化与区域发展[42,43]、产业区、集群与集聚[44,45]、落后地区发展[46,47]、地方制度与区域发展[48,49]等。中国工业地理也持续关注国际工业地理前沿研究领域,如关系视角下的全球价值链（Global Value Chain, GVC）与全球生产网络（Global Production Network, GPN）[50,51,52]和演化经济地理[53,54]、企业地理和生产网络[55,56]、外资研究[57]等。
21世纪代表性本土研究依然表现出理论与实践并重的特点。传统的工业布局研究方面,陆大道发表了《中国区域发展的理论与实践》[58],扎实分析了以往综合考察、工业布局和区域规划的实践,总结区域发展的重大理论和实践问题,对全国及各地区的区域发展因素、产业结构优化与升级、区域产业格局做了展望。在产业集群方面,代表研究有王缉慈的《创新的空间：企业集群与区域发展》[59]和《超越集群：中国产业集群的理论探索》[60],从产业组织和创新区位角度阐述了集群理论与公共政策,从全球化和技术进步角度分析集群政策如何施行;贺灿飞的《中国制造业地理集中与集聚》[61]提出了“尺度地方化”的研究框架,将原有关注地方力量的研究中,引入全球力量、国家力量和地方力量,并基于尺度力量解释了中国制造业集聚的机理以及集聚的效应。全球化研究比较具有代表性的理论是刘卫东提出“被动嵌入”[62]和“包容性全球化”[63]。产业发展方面,代表性理论有贺灿飞基于区域产业演化总结的“关联法则”[64]与“区域产业路径突破”[65],基于演化经济地理框架,引入认知邻近性解释产业动态演化微观机制,解释区域产业演化“路径依赖”的特征,并发现发展中国家和地区“路径突破”赶超发展方式,为指导未来区域产业布局与发展做了很好的总结。
3.3 研究内容和地位转向
中国工业地理内容变化主要有3个（表2）：① 逐渐从生产布局和规划合理性转变到区位影响因素分析。1978年以后,开始从论证生产布局合理性转向研究生产力布局客观规律和影响工业布局的因素。② 影响工业布局的要素逐渐从自然要素转变为人文要素。20世纪80年代之前将自然矿产作为工业发展和生产力布局的主要区位条件,1978年改革开放后,信息化、全球化、科技创新成为工业发展和产业空间形成的主要原因,并开始关注文化、制度等方面。③ 研究尺度从小尺度过渡到大尺度再到多尺度。最早主要针对地区尺度研究,20世纪80年代开始针对全国性尺度,90年代中期多尺度并行。Tab. 2
表2
表2世界上工业地理学发展对比
Tab. 2
| 时间 | 西方工业地理 | 苏联工业地理 | 中国工业地理 |
|---|---|---|---|
| 19世纪末 | 工业地理的前身商业地理兴起 | 马克思列宁主义劳动地域分工 | - |
| 20世纪初 | 工业区位论出现 | 产业计划布局和经济区划制定调查实践工作 | 中国****翻译传播区位论思想 |
| 20世纪50年代 | 区位论到达顶峰 | 论证区域综合工业布局和规划合理性 | |
| 20世纪60年代 | 区位决策实践兴起,区域发展理论与规划,行为研究方法 | 工业布局特点和因素研究 | 论证部门工业布局合理性 |
| 20世纪70年代 | 行为地理学,企业地理学,结构主义 | 工业布局条件的技术经济论证;工业生产地域体系结构的分析 | 服务沿海工业项目区域规划和城市规划,认识和掌握生产力布局客观规律 |
| 20世纪80年代 | 开始重视社会属性,研究工业区域结构和布局与社会因素的关系 | 区域工业地带发展战略,工业布局原则、因素与条件,工业区 | |
| 20世纪90年代 | 以技术为本的区域发展理论,文化和制度转向,企业嵌入理论,后结构主义,文化和制度转向 | - | 工业布局,工业区,农村工业,全球化 |
| 当代 | 工业区,产业集群,全球化,企业,GPN、GVC、GCC,后结构主义,制度,演化 | - | 工业布局,工业区与集聚,全球化 |
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中国工业地理紧跟中国工业化进程。在1949年中华人民共和国成立初期,伴随计划经济体制下国家大规模工业化战略,工业地理学作为指导工业生产布局和空间战略的学科,受到广泛的重视。在20世纪80年代之前,工业地理学在经济地理学中占据统治地位。1978年改革开放以后,国家经济体制改变,逐渐走向市场经济,并融入全球化。灵活多变的生产模式和复杂的市场环境,增加工业地理学对小尺度产业布局论证合理性的需求和分析难度。目前,中国经济正在面临着史无前例的变革,制造业转型已经成为整个社会的共识。未来从工业化阶段如何向后工业化阶段过渡,如何从制造大国迈向制造强国,新的发展模式将如何重塑中国产业空间,这些问题需要工业地理****探讨新环境下产业布局理论,以服务于国土空间规划,辅助国家顺利迈向后工业化时代,工业地理学在未来将会迎来新的高峰期。
3.4 研究范式转向
（1）从以完成“学科任务”的纯应用型到理论研究与应用研究并重。中国工业地理学科建立之初是为了配合国家工业建设,作为“实践派”在每个阶段都为国家的工业化发展立下了汗马功劳。从20世纪80年代开始,工业地理****开始反思中国工业地理理论发展问题,在吸收并融入西方工业地理理论的基础上,根据特有的政治体制制度开始发展具有中国特色的工业地理理论。2000年以后,中国工业地理基本形成“实践+理论”的双核模式,在相互影响中稳步成长。实际上,西方工业地理也是“理论+实践”模式,其****广泛参与城市规划和区域规划,以解决现实中出现的区域经济问题[66]。与中国工业地理研究不同的是,西方工业地理理论研究跟随经济与社会发展进程,在现象研究以及过程演绎中提炼、总结规律和理论化,基于理论来指导实践工作。中国工业地理研究普遍理论研究滞后于实践,实践工作往往先于已有的经验或者理论来完成,对现有实践工作的理论化仍然不足。（2）理论体系来源转向。中国工业地理学理论基本是苏联工业地理理论和西方工业地理理论融合的产物。在1978年改革开放以前,中国施行高度集中的计划经济模式,苏联工业地理学理论对中国工业地理发展影响很大,****也是在苏联工业地理学理论基础上展开工业部门布局研究和区域综合研究,在工厂选址、国土空间规划、产业规划布局等方面开展了大量工作。在改革开放以后,市场经济登上了历史舞台,中国在结合体制基础上发展社会主义市场经济,西方工业地理学理论开始被中国****吸收、借鉴和发展。中国工业地理****结合中国实际情况对两大理论体系兼收并蓄,在特有的体制条件下发展出中国特色的工业地理理论体系。未来中国工业地理****需要更多关注全球发展趋势,致力于研究全球新经济发展趋势及其对中国产业空间格局的影响,以及科技革命对产业空间布局的影响等问题。
（3）研究方法转变。20世纪80年代中期以前,中国工业地理一般通过文字描述、地图展示、示意图、统计图表等传统方法来分析工业企业布局和生产力布局等问题,借助案例调研、归纳总结等方式进行理论和实践总结,以此作为参与地方发展政策和空间、产业规划的参考。在1978年以后,工业布局问题影响因素分析难度增加,引入西方工业地理定量研究方法。****们逐渐采用聚类和因子分析、计量回归、统计检验等定量方法来研究工业布局和工业地域综合体论证工作。随着定量研究逐渐被接受和定量研究技术与工具的普及,20世纪90年代以后定量研究逐渐超过定性研究。21世纪随着计量方法发展（尤其是空间计量）、普及和跨学科交流增加,中国工业地理定量化研究趋势越来越明显,逐渐展现出工业地理学阶段性方法特征：① 运用地理信息系统软件地图制作、社会学的网络分析法或者跨学科现象呈现方法来展示研究问题格局;② 运用统计分析和归纳总结来描述过程;③ 通过计量模型来探讨机理。
近年来西方工业地理研究方法开始大胆采用政策研究和社会研究类的研究方法,如定量研究的自然实验和“双重差分”以及质性研究的“参与观察法”等。“新经济地理学”的兴起,使经济地理****开始反思应用类研究方法问题。即使精确的数据和严谨的量化研究有时也无法解释一些概念,尤其是面临非常模糊的概念时[67],这一现象促使了西方经济地理学质性类研究成果不断增多。面对21世纪更加多元化的世界,西方地理****发现需要提高各学科交叉,在相互讨论中解释和理解复杂多变的问题[68]。相比之下,中国工业地理学定量模型和数据处理与西方文献相比仍然略显粗糙,质性研究在中国工业地理研究中不受到重视。总体而言,中国工业地理****需要广泛吸收各个学科的优势,如严谨的数据分析、技术手段和对研究对象深入、整体探究的质性研究手段,更加深入去理解特殊背景下的中国工业经济发展。
4 国内外主要研究领域进展比较
国际工业地理经历了区位论与区域科学、企业与行为主义、马克思结构主义和规制学派,工业区、嵌入和文化制度转向后,在近20年迎来了新的研究热点。2000年以来,中国工业地理主要研究领域与国际工业地理类别比较一致,因此主要针对国际工业地理的分类来进行比较（表3）。Tab. 3
表3
表3国内外工业地理进展比较
Tab. 3
| 尺度 | 研究对象 | 研究内容 | 国际工业地理 | 中国工业地理 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 宏观 | 企业 | 经济全球化 | 外商直接投资空间格局,跨国公司时空变化趋势,区域生产转移,世界各地工业区兴衰,发达国家和地区再工业化,全球化新要素 | 区域参与全球化程度空间差异、全球化对地方发展的影响,区域在全球化背景下的发展策略,跨国公司区位分布和对地方经济的影响 |
| GPN、GVC、GCC | 前3个主题以及GPN的形成与变化,战略耦合的负面效应 | 全球化与集群,中国在某一产品生产网络的地位,生产网络演化特征,本地企业网络结构和参与GPN的地方效应 | ||
| 产业 | 劳动地域分工、功能分工、价值分工 | 工业布局机制,区域不平等解决方式和研究这些问题的重要性,价值链分工、价值链跨域流动与价值分工空间不平等 | 生产力平衡布局,地域分工和多极发展,老工业基地振兴,西部大开发,跨国公司功能地域分工,产业地理分工与趋同 | |
| 劳动力和劳动力市场 | 新劳动者数量增加对劳动力市场的重构作用,劳动力市场社会监管和本地治理,劳工组织和工会,劳动力市场细分 | 劳动力作为企业区位选择的影响因素 | ||
| 微观 | 企业 | 企业、网络、制度和后结构主义 | 企业与地方发展,不同规模企业的网络结构,制度与企业的关系,从社会角度展示企业和其区位选择的方式 | 关注不同规模和行业的企业空间分布特征和区位选择因素,企业网络,政策或制度改革对企业行为的影响 |
| 工业区、嵌入、集群和集聚 | 工业区的类型与模式,工业区的社会与制度环境,工业区形成过程,工业区的空间边界与开放程度 | 老工业基地振兴,工业区的识别、形成过程与影响因素分析,工业区的创新与经济表现,工业区企业网络模式与组织结构,工业区和集群的多样化发展路径 | ||
| 演化经济 地理 | 路径依赖与不同地理环境的路径锁定,集群、地方性知识扩散和相关多样化,整个经济领域中产业的空间格局演化 | 与国际研究内容一致,基本是实证研究 | ||
| 产业 | 农村工业和工业布局 | - | 工业类型和影响因素,发展模式探究,农村工业化经济分析,农村工业区形成条件,农村工业地区差异 |
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4.1 经济全球化
全球化兴起促使国际生产格局发生变化,伴随跨国公司跨境生产促使新型国际分工,也因此带来了新的工业组织形式和工业区位分析。国际工业地理****主要在20世纪70年代开始关注全球化。代表人物Peter Dicken认为全球化中跨国公司和国家的相互作用导致了现代的国际经济版图,发现全球化过程中存在巨大的空间差异性。地理差异是全球化的先决条件,批判了“地理学的终结”的观点。工业地理学对全球化的研究主要针对全球生产空间格局、商品链和跨国公司,如外商直接投资空间格局、跨国公司时空变化趋势、区域生产转移、世界各地工业区的兴衰、发达国家和地区再工业化。最近有关全球化的研究中增加了新的影响因素,如短期供货、新零售、及时生产和物流粘性等,同时从金融资本和投资方面考虑,强调了空间临近性的重要性。中国工业地理对全球化的研究主要针对中国地区,最关心的问题是全球化与区域发展,包括全球化的地方发展效应[30]、地方全球化背景分析[69]、外商投资区位[70]、地方参与全球化的机制[42, 71]等。从研究内容和研究方法来看,国内外工业地理针对全球化的研究与现实联系比较紧密,中国对全球化的研究在政策应用方面更加明显。国外工业地理研究以跨国公司作为全球化的动力,在此基础上研究全球化的过程和对地方生产格局和发展的影响,而中国工业地理基本不研究全球化的发生过程,重点关注全球化对地方发展的影响和地方应采取的策略,因此政策借鉴性意义相比于国外工业地理研究更强。
4.2 GCC、GVC和GPN
研究基本围绕曼彻斯特学派的全球生产网络（GPN）展开。GPN定义为公司和非公司机构在全球范围内功能和运营相互联系的组织网络,并通过公司机构生产和分配商品与服务,为研究经济全球化提供了关系框架。GPN提供了一个开放且关注地理尺度的观点,超越了相对较为线性和有局限的全球商品链（Global Commodity Chains, GCC）和全球价值链（GVC）的相关概念,最近研究显示3种方法开始出现融合。GPN认为区域发展是本地参与者之间和与全球参与者合作与博弈动态过程的产物,即“战略耦合”（Strategic Coupling）。最近关于GPN的研究开始分析战略耦合的负面效应,但是****普遍倾向忽略不同参与部分因权力不同所引起的紧张关系,如跨国公司与地方企业、当地居民的不平等关系。中国工业地理关于GCC、GVC和GPN的研究基本分散在前几个内容部分中。以GPN、GVC和GCC等作为理论背景的研究主要针对GPN形成过程[50],参与GPN的地方产品升级[51],中国在生产网络中组织架构、权力分配关系和空间竞争性[72]和本地企业网络结构[73]。值得关注的是,中国许多属于GPN的框架中的研究并没有以GPN为理论基础,而是以细分的话题内容或国家战略服务为理论研究根据。可能原因是GPN框架过于复杂、过于庞大,涉及多重层架、多个行为主体的复杂相互作用关系,导致****在具体的研究内容分析时无从下手,因此可能需要中国工业地理****在更充分的学习和理解条件下,积极跟进GPN研究并根据中国特色适当的改进其研究。
4.3 劳动地域分工、功能分工与价值链分工
劳动地域分工以马克思分工理论为基础,伴随着经济全球化和区域发展不平等问题出现,属于政治地理经济学研究范畴。传统工业地理的劳动地域分工研究认为新地域和功能分工应该按照区域等级来制定,即大城市地区发展管理调控、设计和开发职能,在成熟的工业城市和地区发展专业技术制造业,以及区域分散化的生产“松脚型”的低技术制造业。Massey认为应在考虑工业生产与社会阶级在空间结构关系的基础上,分析投资距离和地区异质性造成的劳动分工区域差异。随着全球化研究推进,劳动地域分工研究逐渐转向为价值链分工,关注经济一体化世界经济如何进行价值链分工、价值链跨域流动与价值分工空间不平等,借助生产组织、价值流动等方向来理解劳动力空间配置[74]。工业地理学开始关注自由贸易、价值链锁定与空间发展不平衡关系,社会空间因素与价值获取和经济空间的作用关系。马克思劳动分工理论影响了几代中国工业地理****。中华人民共和国成立初期中国工业地理****遵循马克思劳动分工理论的核心思想,指导了中国生产力平衡布局,形成了独具特色的地区协作经济格局。到改革开放以后,面临着不平等的发展问题,工业地理学家开始对空间协调发展问题展开探讨,发表一批城市内部优化发展[75]、城市群内部产业分工[76]、区域内部整体发展[77]和区域间协调发展策略[78]论文。在中国加入世界贸易组织（WTO）前后,四大板块格局逐渐形成,东北地区不断衰落,外资企业引导中国加入全球生产网络以及产业格局基本形成,工业地理研究着眼于老工业基地振兴[46,47],区域经济差异与成因[79],出口对经济差异的影响[43],产业地理分工专业化、分异与趋同[48, 80]。
4.4 劳动力和劳动力市场
劳动力地理研究属于热门话题,尤其是聚焦在不同技术水平劳动力上。全球化与劳动力研究主要关注全球化对不同技术水平劳动力的影响,如高技能国际商务精英（银行家、经理和企业家）在全球化过程中在世界各地的流动性,以及全球化可能会给当代劳动力市场带来不平等和不稳定等作用。最近国际上针对劳动力的研究包括新劳动者数量增加对劳动力市场的重构作用,劳动力市场社会监管和本地治理,劳工组织和工会,劳动力市场细分等[24]。中国针对劳动力地理研究十分稀少,少量涉及劳动力的研究主要是展示劳动力空间分布和作为企业区位选择的影响因素。在中国特有的政治制度下,未来可能不太会出现与国际上工业地理对劳动力的研究热点,针对劳动力流动对产业重构和地方发展研究应该会增加。
4.5 企业、网络、制度和后结构主义
自20世纪60年代和70年代行为地理和企业地理出现后,从企业尺度研究工业区位和企业行为在工业地理研究中占有重要地位。企业规模并不是工业地理最应该关注的点,而应该关注不同规模的企业以社会联系、技术联系和经济联系聚在一起时产生的网络模式,包括商品网络、生产网络、创新网络,不同参与主体在这种网络结构和发展过程中可以互利互惠。在分析企业网络的过程中,政府与企业的关系也引起了工业地理学的注意。代表性理论是“制度厚度”（Institutional Thickness）,强大的制度厚度既可以推动企业发展和创新,过于强大时也可能会阻碍其发展和增长[13]。结构主义流派逐渐提出,企业应该从经济整体中解构出来,从社会角度展示企业和其区位选择的方式。相比之下,中国工业地理对企业的研究在网络化和制度方面论文较多,极少出现后结构主义视角的论文。研究主要关注不同规模和行业的企业空间分布和区位选择,如汽车企业区位选择[81]、跨国公司功能区位[82]、外资企业区位选择[57]、信息时代企业区位选择[55]、总部企业区位选择[83]。针对企业网络的研究逐年增多,主要是企业生产网络[50],中国企业海外投资区位选择[84],产业网络与演化过程[85]等,较少专门针对网络形成机制进行研究,与集群和全球化的主题相结合。对企业与制度的研究主要针对政策或制度改革对企业行为的影响,研究对政策的时效意义更敏感,如近几年环境规制政策频出,也导致国内对环境规制与企业行为的研究开始增多[49, 56]。
4.6 工业区、嵌入、产业集聚和产业集群
工业区是指规模不大、经济活动活跃且内部企业具有高度专业化和生产关联性的生产区。工业地理研究对工业区和嵌入关注一直是热点话题,其中大部分研究与企业和网络研究相重叠。国际上对工业区的研究比较多元化,包括工业区类型与模式、工业区社会与制度环境、工业区形成过程、工业区尤其是集群空间边界与开放程度。最近开始反思工业区模式的作用,尤其是在规模经济和灵活专业化两方面的均衡中分析工业区的最佳空间尺度和模式,不能仅仅关注工业区本地企业互动而忽视了本地与全球的联系[86]。国内****很早就关注工业区,早期关注工业区结构特征和内部企业结构特征[24],目的是服务于工业企业布局;关于集聚和集群的研究主要在20世纪90年代末之后出现,逐渐成为区域研究的热点话题[44]。最近20年中国对工业区的研究主要集中在产业集群、集聚形成过程[87,88]、工业区识别与演化[89,90]、工业区创新与经济表现[91]、不同行业集聚特征和规律分析[81, 92]以及集群产业特征和区域特征[93]。产业集聚研究对集群的类型、识别和空间分布做了较多的工作,对造成产业空间分布不均和集聚现象形成机理探讨相对较少。少量机制探讨论文认为产业集聚是本地力量、国家力量和全球力量3种尺度在地方共同作用下的结果[45]。未来中国面临经济转型的关键时期,集群类研究需要关注新生产模式和发展模式下对集群的影响,如平台经济、交通基础设施改善、智能制造、逆全球化现象、跨国弹性专精生产模式对集群韧性、空间尺度边界识别、集群模式和有效性等方面的影响。
4.7 演化经济地理学
自20世纪90年代以来,借鉴演化经济学的理论与方法,认为企业组织惯例传承与区域空间结构密切相连,逐步发展出探索空间经济活动差异演变过程的演化经济地理学。在过去几年中,开始对演化经济地理建立一个更加系统和严格的理论框架。但是目前的理论方法如路径依赖、复杂网络和广义达尔文演化理论等仍然相对孤立,在工业地理目前的研究中仍然不能提供一个连贯的分析框架。目前演化研究有3个分支,分别是路径依赖与不同地理环境的路径锁定研究,集群、地方性知识扩散和相关多样化的研究和整个经济领域中产业演化[94]。中国针对演化经济地理研究基本从2010年之后才逐渐增多,研究内容与国际上演化的研究基本相切合,如地方产业格局演化[95]、工业区演化[96]、产业结构演化空间格局[97]、出口产品网络演化[53]、出口市场演化[98]、出口产品结构演化[54],主要以演化理论来解释和分析不同的研究问题的实证研究为主,理论研究较少。比较具有代表性的观点为“关联法则”[64]框架的提出,从认知邻近视角分析中国区域产业发展演化规律,总结中国产业发展与空间布局的规律与预测方法。
4.8 农村工业和工业布局
乡镇企业作为中国农村经济体制改革以后出现的一个新现象,对于中国经济增长的贡献受到国际****的普遍关注。一些****基于中国经济制度,分析了乡镇企业在不同地区所表现出的不同特点,总结出了江苏模式（工农并存）、温州模式（家庭外出务工）和东北模式（国企转制）。到20世纪90年代早期,沿海地区的乡镇企业就已与城市工业很难区分,大部分乡镇企业从事生产的投资渠道、原料供应、市场等都是区域性、全国性的,甚至是国际性。而在其他发展中国家,农村的生产与加工仍是立足于为当地农业生产和农村社区提供产品和服务。农村工业是中国特色的工业地理研究,在20世纪90年代处于研究的爆发期,主要针对中国快速发展的农业工业这一特殊现象,如农村工业化空间格局差异分析[35]、农村工业发展模式探究[36]、农村工业对地区外向型经济贡献格局差异[37]、企业改制的经济效应[99]等方面。进入21世纪,乡镇企业发展进入成熟稳固期,随着市场经济不断推进及产业结构升级,中国乡镇企业发展在进入21世纪以来呈现下降趋势。低技术水平、粗放生产、环境问题成为了制约其发展的主要因素,相关的研究也逐渐减少。
5 结论与展望
本文在国际工业地理发展背景下总结中国工业地理阶段性的研究成果,科学的把握和梳理学科发展脉络和方向,对中国工业地理学学科建设有十分重要的意义。《地理学报》作为中国地理学研究权威学术期刊,对论文的选择标准更高,刊发论文时重视研究的原创发现和代表性,因此针对《地理学报》工业地理论文梳理,基本反映了各时期工业地理学思想和顶尖研究成果,可以帮助读者快速了解学科演化趋势和研究进展。本文基于1934—2019年《地理学报》发表的154篇工业地理论文,分析中国工业地理发展脉络与主要领域研究进展,并与国际工业地理研究进展进行了系统的比较。虽然中国工业地理研究已经进入稳步发展阶段,但是相比发展近百年的西方工业地理研究,中国工业地理在理论思辨、建构以及哲学基础方面仍然有所欠缺。近年来,大量研究基本以实证为主,缺乏对机制的探索和深层原因的挖掘,极少出现能与国际研究对话的学术成果。理论探讨论文有逐年增多的趋势,但是基本照搬国际工业地理同期或者前期的学术思潮,并没有针对本土特有现象和过程提出相应的理论。当然,中国工业地理欠缺理论思辨、哲学基础和方法论探讨,是受到中国工业经济发展阶段相对滞后的影响。工业地理本身是一门与现实生产趋势紧密结合的学科,学术思潮转变和新研究领域的出现紧随现实世界工业生产方向的转变。国际工业地理理论前沿一般在英美德法等发达国家,这些国家工业化已经经历几百年,早已经进入后工业化阶段,因此研究关注的重心与其经济活动结构性特征和所在制度环境下面临的问题密切相连。中国工业发展具有西方完全不一样的过程,同时也具有西方工业化没有出现过的问题,中国工业地理****对此并没有系统的解读,缺乏在特有的制度背景下去深刻理解内在蕴含的规律,从而失去了打破西方建构的理论体系的机会。未来中国逐渐从工业化时代过渡到后工业化时代,理论研究相比于实践工作表现出严重的滞后,可能会影响到未来新时期工业地理实践工作的效果和效率。
工业地理学理论构建的缺乏导致学科影响力有下降的趋势,尤其是受到经济学空间关注类研究的挤压,如“新经济地理学”“空间经济学”等学科纷纷基于空间一般均衡提出工业生产布局和企业区位的一般规律。在实践层面上,国土空间规划尤其是产业规划不仅仅是地理学参与的工作,经济学、管理学、社会学等众多学科也纷纷参与其中,逐渐挤压工业地理学实践空间。不过,中国工业化丰富的实践,为未来的工业地理研究提供了绝佳机会,需要建立具有中国特色的工业地理理论体系和实践价值。未来中国逐步迈向后工业化时代,与全球的经济关系越来越复杂,中国工业地理****需要基于经济活动结构性变化和制度背景复杂性进一步认识“经济”和“空间”。未来从工业化阶段如何向后工业化阶段过渡,如何从制造大国迈向制造强国,新的发展模式将如何重塑中国产业空间,这些问题显然需要工业地理****通过大量的研究参与其中。未来工业地理****需要探讨新时代产业布局理论,以服务于国土空间规划,辅助国家顺利迈向后工业化时代。
在新发展理念和新发展格局下,新发展模式将会重塑中国产业空间,中国工业地理学会迎来一个新的高峰期。为了应对学科发展新的挑战,工业地理****需要：① 继续把握国家战略方向需求放在首要地位,理论联系实践,继续服务与国家经济社会建设。同时,积极开展理论创新,结合实践经验和中国特有的制度体系,发展中国特色的工业地理理论。需要探讨新发展格局下产业布局理论,以服务于国土空间规划,辅助国家顺利迈向后工业化时代。② 加强学科建设,加大培养人才和理论创新的力度,促进多学科理论辩论和方法上的借鉴,促进学科与国际交流的机会,增加工业地理与其他领域的探讨。③ 加强新技术手段的应用,提高模拟分析和可视化表达能力。要在发挥好传统的田野调查、访谈、统计分析等手段的同时,更加重视基于新技术手段开展野外调研和同步观测,提高数据获取和数据挖掘能力。工业地理需要广泛吸收各个学科的优势,如严谨的数据分析、技术手段和深入研究对象内部的质性研究手段,加强应用和实践层面的研究。
参考文献 原文顺序
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DOI:10.11821/xb198604009 [本文引用: 2]
In China, since the founding of the People’s Republic, industrial geography has gradually developed, giving emphasis to serve economic planning and regional development. In the past three decades, its main fields of research were:1.Compiling of monographs chracterized by analysing the process of formation and evolution of industry allocation in China.2.Providing basicin formation and scientific appraisal for planning the future allocation of regional industry.Based on various investigations into the overal allocation of key construction projects in several important industrial bases, mainly in North and East China, a great number of valuable reports were worked out and quite a few important proposals put forward.Among these, reports on the Zibo industrial base and a framework of territorial planning of Beijing-Tianjin-Tangshan area are most successful.The former recommended a site for a big petro-chemical complex and the latter made an overall blueprint and a series of suggestions for the future territorial development with industry as the main contents.3. In recent years, economic geographers began to tackle the development stra tegy of industry of China. For example, Lu Da-dao advanced a conception of "Pole-axis growth" as one of the scientific basis for the nation-wide allocation of industry up to 2000. He argued that the coastal belt and both banks of the lower and middle reaches of the Chang-Jiang River are two most important, "growth axes" and a number of cities along or beyond them could be regarded as the growth poles. Li Wen-yan and Chen Hang contributed to theenergy strategy a preliminary study on the energy-economic regionalization of China. They proposed two-order energy-economic regions be delineated through comprehensive appraisal of the regional differentiation on the richness and chracteristics of energy resources and scientific demarcation of the marketing regions of potential energy bases.4. With respect to theoretical study of industrial geography, it is relatively weaker than the applied aspects. In the past decades, main efforts were put on the following themes: (1) Economic appraisal of mineral resources and their territorial combination; (2) Regional industrial system and territorial combination of plants; (3) Factors and conditions relevent to allocation of industry; (4) Basic theory and methodology of industrial geography as a subdisci-pline of economic geography. Up to now, more than 50 papers have been published besides an textbook of industrial geography compiled by Prof. Wei Xing-zhen.To further develop industrial geography in China, the author suggests the following three aspects deserving more efforts from economic geographers:1. Continously serve various kinds of planning, regional planning in particular, emphasising on comprehensive allocation of industry; actively participate in the study of development strategy of industry, nation-wide or regional, overall or sectorial;undertake pre-feasibility studies of some key projects.2. Regional industry should be dealt with as a system, comprising of a set of operating units with the functions of industrial management,production and service.It is necessary to research into the techno-economic linkage of industrial systems and their organizational linkage as well.3. Combine researches on the allocation of industry of China with those of foreign countries.Comparative study could be done further and it is becoming more important to study the impacts of the introduction of foreign invest and technology on the development of regional industrial systems.4. More efforts should be turned to theory and methodology of industrial geography. Relationships between industry and technique, environment, energy, society, government policy, investment and growth of population involved in the allocation deserve much more attention. Systematic analysis could be well introduced to the researches of industrial regions.
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Basing upon the statistics of the Chinese Maritime Customes, 12 maps are here made by which an outline of China’s commercial features will be illustrated. The titles of the maps are as follows:Fig. 1. Direct foreign trade by ports,Fig. 2. Direct foreign trade by countries,Fig. 3. Domestic interport trade of Chinese rice,Fig. 4. Import of rice,Fig. 5. Imports of wheat,Fig. 6. Import of raw cotton,Fig. 7. Import of cotton goods,Fig. 8. Domestic interport trade of cotton goods,Fig. 9. Export ef wood oil,Fig. 10 Export of raw silk,Fig. 11. Export of tea,Fig. 12. Domestic interport trade of Chinese products.
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Industrial regions form an important part of the state economic region system and are the most basic units of production territory in the combination system of industrial production territory. They are the results of the concentration of industrial productive forces caused by the interaction of various factors on each other within a certain geographic range. The formingof industrial regions nevertheless is related to the fact that the development of industries within a range of territory of certain scale enjoys the priority.Based on the size of territorial scope and the characteristics of the system of production territory formed in fact, industrial regions can be defined in the following 3 grade types: (1) industrial regions of Grade One (great industrial zones); (2) industrial regions of Grade Two (main industrial districts); (3) industrial regions of Grade Three (basic industrial districts). Industrial regions of different grade types possess respectively different structure features.Industrial regions are the system of grades with multiple types and levels, within whichthe regions of the lower level form part of the higher level while the regions of the higher level are based on those of the lower level. Both the regions of the higher level and those of the lower level have very close internal links with each other during the process of industrial development.Industrial regions, when being constructed, not only should have their own regional characteristics but meanwhile should have a reasonable structure of production. In order to achieve this, the enterprises within the industrial regions must be reasonably combined.
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DOI:10.11821/xb198304001 [本文引用: 2]
Energy-economic regionalization is a national specific demarcation of territory according to the spatial differentiation on richness of energy resources, economic links between energy production and marketing and energy structure. It is of great significance to planning and organizing the production, transportation,allocation and utilization of energy and rele vant projects for coordination on the development of energy with that of the national economy and promotion of the rational distribution of productive force, because it can avoid many shortcomings caused by assignment of energy development and allocation only through sectorial approaches and system of administrative demarcation.A comprehensive appraisal on regional characteristics about richness of energy resource and conditions of energy development is a prequistie for demarcation of energy-economic regions.Data on theoretical reserves per capita show that the north, northwestern and south-western China are much more abundant in energy than the rest of the country. Mainly situ-ated in these three regions are 16 coal bases, 3 oil bases and 4 hydro-power bases, inclu-ding existing or planned (listed in Tab. 2), which are key pillars of the national economy.Through four steps, i.e. choice of energy bases------demarcation of energy marketing regions------spatial combination------ adjustment of regionalization, China could be dividedinto six first-order energy-economic regions as follows: (1) the northern region, (2) the nor-theastern region, (3) the eastern region, (4) the central region, (5) the southern region, (6) the western region.Most of the administrative units of province and autonomous region would remain intact in certain energy-economic regions, except that Inner-Mongolia, Shandong, Shanxi, Jiangxi, Guangdong and Henan are divided into two or three parts merging into different regions respectively.Every first-order energy-economic region should be endowed with the features of integrated development of energy and rational transport and comsumption of it.A brief description of the energy resource, the energy structure, the prospect of the energy development and its influence on the regional economy and also some suggestions are given for these six first-order energy-economic regions respectively in the paper.Second-order energy-economic regions are demarcated according to two categories, i.e. urban area and rural area respectively. The former falls into 7 types and the latter 6 types.If the above proposed energy-economic regionalization are carried out, the following result could be obtained: (1) richness of energy resource of the northeastern China could be risen a lot; (2) energy flow of the eastern China could be more concentrated and rati-onal; (3) in Central China better coorperation between the coal of the northern region and the hydropower of the southern could be realized; (4) energy provision of Guangdong and Guangxi could be improved with the help from southwestern China.
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To study the law of emergence and growth of coal-mining cities, analysing their particular contradictions and problems and determining the orientation of their in-dustrial development, so as to adapt to local conditions, is quite essential in promo-ting comprehensive utilization of the natural resources, planned and proportionate development of regional economy and systematical distribution of the cities.
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Regional grouping of mineral resources is usually found in the boundary zone of dif-ferent geotectonic units or in the region having been subjected to various processes ofmineralization, The knowledge of the law of spacial distribution of regional groupingof mineral resources is of great importance to the development of national natural resour-ees, to the delimitation of economic regions, and to the planning of regional industrialcomplex according to the type of regional grouping of mineral resources.According to the spatial distribution pattern and the industrial comprehensiveutilization of mineral resources, regional grouping of mineral resources can be classifiedinto three basic types:1. That having a single mineral deposit of various associated minerals.2. That having a number of mineral deposits closely associated with each other.3. That having a number of mineral deposits not closely associated with each othergpecially.As geological structure varies from place to place, regional grouping of mineral re-sources is also highly varied and each of the three basic types can be further subdividedinto many sub-types.It has been proved in practice that to exploit mineral resources according to theirregional grouping is advantageous to the development of territorial industrial complex,to the enhancement of economical effect of investment, and to urban planning to limitthe size of large cities and to build small cities in clusters.
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DOI:10.11821/xb197903006 [本文引用: 3]
Locations of grouping firms in urban industrial district means rational agglo-meration in particular space of several firms which are connected with one another in supply of raw material, fuel, subsidiary material and semi-product, or with close technical linkage, or located together simply aiming at full use of regional infras-tructure. It comes from the objective need of modern industry production with its corresponding form of organization and attaining considerable economic effect.
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DOI:10.11821/xb198603001 [本文引用: 1]
According to the information from 1952 to 1984 there are five characteristics of the industrial distributions in China.1. The distribution tends toward balance. Obviously from 1952 to 1984 its coefficient of geographic association ascended and the index of concentration decended.2. The industries in each region had obtained a general development. The average annual growth rate of total industrial output in Shanghai and Liaoning was only over 9%. which is the lowest rate.3. Apparently the change of the industrial distribution may be divided into different stages. From 1957 to 1965 due to the errors in work, the changing was negligible.4. According to the various proportions of the industries in national economy five types can be grouped in general. (1) The type of steadly rising, including Hubei, Hunan. Anhui and Guizhou; (2) The type of increasing recently: Fluctuations appeared before 1975 since then it has a steep increase, this including Shanxi, Henan, Nei Monggol, Xinjiang, Sichuan, Yunnan, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Shandong, Guangdong and Fujian; (3) The type of increasing before 1975, then it appeared a tendency of decline, this including Shaanxi, Gansu, Qinghai, Ningxia, Guangxi, Hebei and Beijing; (4) The stable type, including Jiangxi; (5) The declining type, including Shanghai, Tianjin, Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang.Compared with that of the coastal areas the industries of the interior areas developed more rapidly. The proportion of the interior industries in the whole country raised from 20.3% in 1952 to 30.7% in 1984. The situations in coastal regions are complicated. The industries of Guangxi and Fujian are rather backward and the industry level of Guangdong, Shandong and Hebei is lower than the average of the country. The development at a high speed in these regions will be conducive to the balance in distribution. Jiangsu and Zhejiang have advantages in culture, technology, management and administration. They have developed very fast in the resent years, potential power being turned into real superiority.From now on the basic trend will be continued toward the balance in indtistrial distribution but the developing velocity will be slowed down. Owing to the great difference in natural and social conditions between the regions, the bull balanced distribution is unlikely to be realized in China. When programmes and planning are made, different regions have to develop at their own speeds according to the specific conditions.
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DOI:10.11821/xb198701004 [本文引用: 1]
The most remarkable superiority of Beijing’s industrial development is its rich intellectual resources, with the No. 1 status of scientific and technological forces. The main limiting factors are a shortage of water resources, and the requirement of a high quality environment. The characteristics of the distribution of Bejing’s industry spreads eccentrically from the urban district to the outskirts, and then to the outer suburbs. But it is too crowded in the urban district and the outskirts, and too scattered in the outer suburbs. According to the advantages and problems of industrial develoment in Beijing, the author suggests: The emphasis ought to be on industries that are clean technologically intensive and conserve water and land. Based on this principle, the present industrial structure ought to be adjusted to develop new-industries. At the same time, the satellite industrial towns in the outer suburbs and corresponding transportation-communication systems need to be constructed as soon as possible.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199905005 [本文引用: 3]
Foreign direct investment(FDI)has expanded rapidly in China since 1980s.China has become the second largest FD Irecipient in the world in recent years.Given this backg round,some scholars consider that FDI is increasingly becoming an important factor in affecting economic growth in China.By using a growth model,this paperillu strates that FDI has failed to be statistically accepted as a variable in the national economic growth since 1983.However,among the provinces and municipalities in China’s coast,FDI not only proves itself above a high significant level,but also,it shows quite high elast icity in economic growth.In Guangdong province,for example,one percentage growth of FDI in GDP in one year,according to the estimation in the model,may generate 2.93 percen tages of GDP growth rate this year plus 1.63 percentages of GDP growth rate in the following year.Fujian,Shanghai,Jiangsu,Beijing and Tianjin have different multiplier effects.In spite of its significant impact,FDI is not the most important factor in regional economic growth even in the coastal provinces and municip a lities.Labor plays the most important rolein economic growth of Guangdong,Fujian and Jiangsu,and structural change is the dominant factor for Shanghai and Tianjin.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199902001 [本文引用: 1]
Massive influx of foreign direct investment (FDI) since her opening to the outside world has made China the largest FDI receiving nation in the developing world. The distribution of FDI in China is highly uneven because of complex regional differences. On the whole, FDI has been concentrated in the coastal provinces and along the Changjiang River, namely in the provinces of Guangdong, Jiangsu, Fujian, Shanghai, Shandong, Liaoning, Zhejiang and Hainan. From the 1980s to the 1990s, there was a major shift from the south to the north and the middle reaches of the Changjiang River. This regional pattern is explained by coefficients of elasticity. Using SAS, this paper calculates the relative importance of three sets of factors affecting the distribution of FDI. The traditional factors used include comparative labor cost, market capability and capital productivity. The aggregate factors include infrastructure, the level of economic development and cumulative FDI. And the risk factors include cumulative FDI, the degree of openness, and geo economic factors. The following conclusions were reached. (1) The regional patterns of FDI reflect the existing unbalanced patterns of development. (2) The key factors influencing the patterns of FDI are information cost, market capability and risk factors. (3) A change in the selected factors affected the comparative advantages of regions, which in turn affected the regional patterns of FDI. (4) FDI has moved beyond the early exploratory stage of seeking quick profit to the mature stage aimed at market expansion. (5) The basic patterns of FDI distribution are difficult to change because of the inherent differences among regions.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199102002 [本文引用: 2]
The process of China's industrialization has been involved in two changes of industrial structure, which were the preferential development of heavy industry from 1949 to 1978 fol-lowed by extremely rapid expansion of processing industry, particularly in the light industry during the past 10 years of reformation.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199306001 [本文引用: 2]
Since 1979, regional industrial structure in China has entered a drastically changing era. In this paper,I have mode a systematic research on the characteristics of the variation and its effect on the regional growth and specialization,and revealed aome rules and trends. They ate mainly as follows:1. In most regions,the variation level of industrial structure is higher than the national level,but because of the differences of per captia income and locational and the structural characteristics in each regions,the variation shower obvious geographic difference. In the South,the East and the West of China, the variation is larger, whereas in the North and the Middle, it is smaller. The variation direction of industrial structure tends to be similar. The status of heavy industry ascended,but the status of mining,raw materials and light industries descended in most of the regions. Regional industry trends to persue higher additional value and the status of heavy processing industry is ascending compared to other processing industries. 2. There is a beneficial structural adjustment in regions such as Guangdong,Jiangsu,Fu jian,Hebei,Anhui,Hunan, Shaanxi,Zhejiang,Gansu,Yunnan and Sichuan during 1980一1990,and these regions have gained economic growth. While the adjustment in other regions is relatively unbenefical,and they have losed economic growth. 3. The status of each region in geographic division of labour is changed with the variation of regional industrial structure. An geographic labour division pattern is preliminarily formed.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199606001 [本文引用: 2]
This paper examines the Beijing’s new-tech agglomeration centered on Beijing New-tech Experimental Zone which is proved to be China’s most intense concentration of innovative business activity.It analyzes the spin-off process of new-tech firms,illustrates the factors influencing the agglomeration and dispersion of the new-tech firms and detects their dispersion patterns and ongoing changes.Five agglomeration factors are:access to universities and research institutes,information availability,access to market,tax policy and ability to link public and private entites(network relationships,regulations).Among them the first and second ones are major agglomeration factors.Two dispersion factors are:high land costand house rent:and poor traffic conditions.Since the Electronic Street came out,there has been a tendency for some research and development facilities and production operations to migrate from Beijing to coastal cities in southeastern China.At present time there are branch plans of the companies all over the country except Tibet and Ningxia autonomous region.The distribution of the total revenues is highly concentrated In southeastern China.Not withstanding the many benefits that China derives from the Beijing New-Tech Experimental Zone,contentions issues remain.Because R&D expenditures are very low,the companies have to involve in a lot of commercial activities.The commercialization of Zhongguancun area is clearly seen.There is a danger that Zhongguancun area could turn into an electronic commercial area but not into a new-and high-tech innovation area.Beijing’s experience emphasizes the importance of establishing an new financial mechanism to support Chinese new-and high-tech enterprises.Creating industrial dynamism,fostering innovation and effective inter-firm linkage,upgrading industrial structure and achieving competitive advantageare the key to the economic performance of Beijing’s new-tech agglomeration.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199605002 [本文引用: 3]
Before the reform, the industrialization of China took the way of "taking the cities as key areas and the investment from the state as the main resource for industrial construction".In 1978 the industrial output value of rural area accounted for only 9% of that of the whole of China. In the recent 10 years, the economic structure in rural China has gradually changed and the industry has become the main body.Of the total economic volume,the industrial output value increased from 19% in 1978 to 57%,Which was 41% of the total industrial value of China.The development of industry in rural areas was the significant characteristic of Chinese industrialization in this stage. The correlation analysis indicates that the rural industry is the base for the rural economic prosperity. The ocrrelation coefficient reached 0.985 in 1992 compared to only 0.729 in 1980. The results of the field work in 7 towns of 6 provinces have proved this correlation with regard to two aspects.First of all,the rural industry by turning over profit (10% of the net profit of the enterprise) and management fee (5% of the sales income) and social expenditure(10% of the profit) contributed to the town construction; secondly,in general the income of workers in township enterprises was 2 to 3 times higher than that of local peasants and 79% of them had a monthly income between 100 and 250 Yuan RMB.There is a great regional difference in the development level and distribution of rural industry.In 1980 the gravity centre of me rural industry was located at 116,13E and 33.08N,which was in the middle of Anhui province.The development between eastern areas and western areas was seriously unequal and the deviation coefficient was 1.15. The gravity centre moved continuously towards East until 1988 and the deviation coefficient reached its peak with 1.28. The rural industrial output value in the coastal provinces amounted to 74% of the total China. After moving North for one year the gravity centre has moved towards South continuously till 1992 which resulted in a decreasing difference between the East and the West and a slight increase of difference between the North and the South. The degree of deviation has kept stable. From the proportion of rural industry in rural economy and the proportion of rural industry in total provincial industry can we see that most of the provinces in the hinterland had a relatively backward rural industry.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199803010 [本文引用: 2]
The rural industry has become increasingly important in regional economic development of China. However, there is a great geographic diversity in the performance and the development patterns of this sector. According to the theory of interaction of system and its environment, the patterns of rural industrial development could be classified by the dominant exogenous conditions and the internal structures of rural industry and rural elites. So in the light of initial dominant environmental conditions, this paper divided the patterns into the following six fundamental types: Agricultural products processing, Mine resources expolitation and processing, Urban radiation, Human capital, Foreign trade and capital and Market processing. Although the environmental conditions are important for the initial development of rural industry, because the structures of rural industry in an area are the results of selection by local rural elites under the given environment, there are different behavior characteristics of power elites and economic elites in fostering a particular pattern, two sub types in every pattern, fostered by rural power elites and by rural economic elites, could be divided. Consequently, the patterns of rural industrial development in China could be divided into six basic types and twelve sub types. At last, this paper respectively investigated the main forming conditions and the principal features of each pattern, the sphere of application of every pattern in China’s less developed areas was also discussed.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199801002 [本文引用: 3]
Of the great changes that happened in the social and economic field during the reform of more than 10 years the development of outward oriented economy and rural enterprises were two outstanding aspects. The former promoted the transfer of China’s economic system from a closed to a completely open one; the latter brought about the change of rural economic structure from an agricultural to a non agricultural one which mainly concentrated on the development of industry. The combination of two aspects——the development of outward oriented economy in rural enterprise——inevitably becomes one of the important issues China is confronted with in current economic development. The rural enterprises play a more and more important role in China’s outward oriented economy. The share of export goods delivery value of rural enterprises in that of all export increased from only 9.19% in 1986 to 44.47% in 1993. The reasons accounting for that rapid growth were as follows. 1) The industrial structure of rural enterprises which took light industry and textile industry as the pillars was nearly identical with the composition of export commodities. 2) The majority of the rural enterprises had a small size, which was beneficial for the reception of a small amount of foreign investment and at the same time they were good at doing short term business, taking on urgent tasks and small batch production and were relatively powerful in risking bankruptcy. 3) Abundant and cheap labour forces were the fundament for the rural enterprises to get higher profit and to increase their capacity for competition. 4) Extensive and intensive relations with overseas Chinese maintained by provincialism played a very important role in introducing foreign investment and marketing products. There were great regional differences in the development level of outward oriented economy. The export value of rural enterprises was highest in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, Shandong and Guangdong. The share of these 6 provinces in that of the whole country increased between 54% and 76%. Due to the outward processing of HK, 95% of the enterprises income came from processing and assembling provided raw materials, component parts, and samples, and from compensation trade generated by these kinds of enterprises in Guangdong province. 94% of the output value of the enterprises with foreign investment came from the coastal area which resulted in a great disparity between the interior and the coasta provinces. In recent years more foreign investment fell on the interior provinces. In 1992, foreign investment in the coastal areas decreased to 78%. Using factor analysis the development level of the outward oriented economy of provinces with regard to export, foreign investment and the development of the enterprises with foreign investment was classified as 7 grades and the map was drawn to show the regional differences. The structure of the outward oriented economy has changed. In the early 80’s the share of primary mineral products, animal products, arts and crafts articles, and textile products, all with low benefit and low added value, took up a large part of the export goods. By 1992, the proportion of these products decreased and the share of textile, products of light industry, chemicals and related products, and machinery increased. There was a difference in the composition of export goods among the provinces. Using cluster analysis and taking the deviation coefficient, the proportion of the primary sector, the composition of three subordinate sectors as parameters, the industrial structure of the export oriented economy of the provinces was divided into 4 groups which reflect the regional distribution. There were four regional types which were of importance for the development level of the outward oriented economy: 1) the specialized industrial structure of export oriented economy in less developed areas; 2) arts and crafts, food, and textile industry in the coastal area of Boha.
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DOI:10.3828/twpr.20.4.043570528305p5q3URL [本文引用: 1]
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201804013 [本文引用: 2]
The 2008 international financial crisis had a severe impact on urban economic development globally, which stimulated a new wave of discussion on the importance of urban economic transformation. Compared to the past, Chinese cities are facing tougher challenges in sustaining economic development through transformation because of the slowdown in economic growth nationally. Previous studies mainly focused on the strategies and countermeasures of urban economic transformation, and ignored how local economies develop, adapt, and transform over time. Moreover, there have been no comparative studies among cities in eastern, central and western China. Drawing on the theory of evolutionary resilience, this study examined three typical old industrial cities (Shenyang, Chongqing and Wuhan) to compare and contrast their transformations since 1978 using economic cycle modeling and shift-share methods. Results showed that: (1) economic growth in Chongqing and Wuhan has been above national average since the mid-1990s, whereas that of Shenyang has fluctuated periodically and shown a periodic oscillation phenomenon. (2) Since the 1990s, the shift of industrial structure in Shenyang has been volatile, and the increase in the relative share of the tertiary industry has been mainly the result of the deceleration of growth in the secondary industry. Chongqing and Wuhan, on the other hand, are more stable in industrial restructuring. (3) Since the end of the 1990s, the transformation of the manufacturing industry of Shenyang and Wuhan has been affected mainly by the upgrading of an old path, whilst the transformation of manufacturing industry of Chongqing has been the result of both old and new paths, which contributes to the higher growth rate. (4) Since the beginning of the 21st century, the evolution of the new path in Shenyang has featured a low-end trend, in contrast the evolution of the new path in Chongqing and Wuhan has shown a high-end trend. In conclusion, this paper illustrates the value of applying the resilience theory to the study of urban economic transition and enriches the practical value of the theory.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201708001 [本文引用: 2]
<p>Organized globally and led by trans-national enterprises, global production networks (GPNs) develop rapidly along with the advancement of technology and deepening of trade liberalization. GPN provides great opportunities for developing countries to blend in global economy and realize their technological advance, as well as value chain upgrading. Facing the pressure of shifting model of economic development, China has urgent need of optimizing export trade though she has experienced marvelous success especially on export trade during the past few decades, so that the study on export product upgrading can be particularly important. Based on such consideration, this article focuses on how participating GPN influences China's export product upgrade. This article uses the conception of quality to quantitively describe product upgrade, and we calculate the product quality based on data of customs trade database from 2000 to 2011. The result shows that export product quality presents a declining trend from east to west of China, and the average quality of the whole country fluctuates a lot during 2000-2011 with a slight rising trend showing up recently. We then build several econometric models to examine whether participating in GPN matters, and how exactly this influence works. The results show that participating in GPN has remarkable influence on export product upgrading especially in eastern China, but market dispersion does not help in product upgrading. We also find that R&D investment cannot promote regional position in global value chain in eastern China, forming a typical "Low-end lock-in". Capital- and technology-intensive products benefit a lot from participating in GPN while labour-intensive exports may open markets with low-quality products. Fiscal decentralization is a key determinant in eastern and central provinces, and local governments tend to give more support to technology-intensive product upgrading.</p>
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DOI:10.11821/xb201204005 [本文引用: 2]
The wide application of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) has been argued to be critical to spatial transformation of firms. Recent advances in the studies along this line have challenged traditional location theory. Existing literature, however, focuses mainly on the impacts of new ICTs on locational conditions and industrial spatial distribution. Dynamics behind such changes have not yet been given sufficient attention by geographers. It is against such a background that this paper takes Metersbonwe as a case to look into the impacts of new ICTs on traditional location theory and the dynamics of industrial re-location enabled by new ICTs. The paper argues that the application of new ICTs has been a key location factor in the information age, and time-cost is becoming critical to the spatial organization of firms as a result of shorter product life and mass customization in particular among other dynamics.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201510004 [本文引用: 2]
The impact of environmental regulations on firms' productivities is a hot topic at present, but little attention has been paid to the geographic location aspect. As the literature show two kinds of theories named "Cost hypothesis" and "Porter hypothesis" according to the impact of environmental regulations on firms' productivities, this paper empirically analyzes the influences of spatial difference and interdependence of environmental regulations on firms' productivity based geographic data and micro-firm-level data for the period of 2004-2007. Our results show that spatial difference of environmental regulations has a significant impact on firms' total factor productivity with an inverted U-shaped relationship. That is to say, appropriate intensity of environmental regulations could promote firms' productivities, but if the environmental regulations are too intensive, firms' productivity might decrease. The effect of spatial correlation of environmental regulation is significant. The environmental regulation of neighborhoods can promote the productivity of firms in native city. Environmental regulation has a significant impact on the firms with high efficiency, but no significant influence on firms with low efficiency. Besides, the impact of environmental regulation on productivity of pollution-intensive firms is variant according to geographic location. The promotion of environmental regulation on firms' productivity is stronger in the eastern region than in the central and western regions. Our research suggests different mechanisms for the Cost hypothesis and Porter hypothesis in the context of geographic location. The governments shall make different regulations in different parts of the country instead of one policy.
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DOI:10.1080/23792949.2016.1232598URL [本文引用: 1]
DOI:10.11821/dlxb202012010 [本文引用: 2]
Geographical distribution and agglomeration of industries have been a long lasting concern of economic geographers. Some studies have stressed geographical proximity and industrial agglomeration as the key driving force of uneven distribution of industries. Recently, evolutionary economic geography, based on evolutionary economics, has adopted a dynamic and historic perspective to study the evolution of regional industrial dynamics. It argues that geographical proximity is neither sufficient nor necessary for efficient knowledge spillovers; instead, it calls for more attention to the idea of cognitive proximity as well as its importance in regional industrial dynamics. The idea is that for knowledge spillovers to take place effectively, some kind of cognitive proximity in terms of shared competencies must be in place. Inspired by this, we examine China's regional industrial development through the lens of cognitive proximity, and propose the "principle of relatedness", that is, the probability of a region to enter/exit one specific economic activity is heavily dependent on regional pre-existing economic profile and local knowledge base. This paper first introduces some key, relevant concepts, and then reviews empirical studies that are underpinned by the "principle of relatedness". Furthermore, it discusses the applicability of "principle of relatedness" in the Chinese context. Our main findings are as follows: (1) theories on resource base view and knowledge spillovers both support the existence of the "principle of relatedness"; (2) the "principle of relatedness" enables us to better understand China's regional economic development, innovation and resilience; however, (3) the effectiveness of the "principle of relatedness" may be compromised by external shocks and internal institutions. One policy implication from the "principle of relatedness" as well as our empirical research is that Chinese regions should seek to diversify related industries and enhance related variety of their regional profiles. In doing so, they are able to become more economically resilient and achieve more sustainable economic development.
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DOI:10.1080/00420980050011145URL [本文引用: 1]
DOI:10.1080/0034340032000108796URL [本文引用: 1]
DOI:10.1080/03098260601033068URL [本文引用: 1]
DOI:10.11821/xb199603001 [本文引用: 1]
Since China opened the door to the outside world in 1979.China’s coastal areas have succeeded in developing its outward oriented economy.Foreign trade and foreign investment have played an important role in its economic growth.Certainly,its economic sustainable development will be influenced by the changing tendency of the world economic pattern.In the end of 1980’s,a series of significant changes happened in the world.The new world structures are taking shape now,the characteristics of which are"triangles" and regionalizatlon,that means triangular structure── developed countries, new industrializing countries and regions,developing countries, three big poles── America, Japan and Germany, the regional economic blocks── Northern America, Western Europe and Western Pacific region.Since the middle of 1980’ s, the world foreign direct investment(FDI) has increased in an unprecendented speed way. From 1985 to 1990, the growth rate of the world FDI in name was 34%per year, which enormously exceeds that of the world exports value(13%) and that of the GDP of the world(12%) in the same period.It is very significant for developing countries to improve their investment environment and to absorb FDI.In 1990’ s, nevertheless,international capital shortage will be a long tendency because the capital demands greatly surpass the capital supplies.So,international competition in attracting FDI will be very fierce.Being influenced by international economic regionalizatlon,the basic tendency of the world capital flow in 1990’s will be in a form of cross──investment.The developed countries are the most important investors.Also, they are the most important absorbers of the world FDI.The developing countries only share a very little portion.Fortunately,the Asian "Four Small Dragons"(AFSD) have been a noticeable forces in international investment fields, which changes the traditional global investment patterns.Because of Geographical position and ethnic features,AFSD’s investments mainly concentrate on China’ s mainland and on some south-eastern Asian countries.In the future,overseas macro-background problems for China’ s coastal areas are how to deal with four hierarchies’ relationship. which are the first hierarch(Western Europe,Northern America,Eastern Asia),the second hierarchy(China,Japan,America),the third hierarchy(china’s mainland,AFSD,some South-eastern Asian countries),the fourth heierarchy(China’s mainlad,Taiwan,HongKong).The characteristics and the tendency of absorbing FDI for China’s coastal areas can be summarized as follows:(1) FDI is mainly from AFSD.Gradually,such developed countries as America,Japan and Germany,will increase their investments in the region.(2) Investment fields are mainly manufacture sectors,especially labr-intensive industries.Step by step,hige-tech items from western developed countries will increase.(3) Investors are mainly medium and small slied enterprisers.By degrees,multinatlonal enterprises’(MNEs) investments are increasing.(4) Investment location mainly concentrates on the south-eastern coastal areas. Progressively,FDIs will push towards the central and the northern coastal areas of China.Generally speaking,MNEs have advantages of high technologies.China strongly desires for MNEs’Investments in order to raise its industrial technological level.Because of the unfavorable soft investment environment,MNEs’ Investments In China’s coastal areas are very limited.Joining the world trade organization will be a very important measure for China to absorb MNEs’Investments.Accordingly,China will have to cut down its over-high tariff and to remove its non-tariff wall.If so,the opportunity for south-eastern China will surpass thechallenge for its competitively advantageous industries.Reversely,the challenge for northern coastal areas of China will surpass the opportunity for its competitively disadvantageous industries in the world industrial division.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201908003 [本文引用: 1]
Based on the interlocking network model and the complex network theory, this paper analyzes the spatial distribution and interaction of cities based on geographical distribution of equipment manufacturing enterprises. The study indicates that cities all over the country present a hub-network structure. Beijing is the national hub city of the network. Cities such as Shanghai, Shenzhen, and Chongqing are regional hub cities. Beijing and Shenzhen have the strongest intercity connection in the network. Most cities in the northwest and southwest have a relatively low connection with other cities in the network. By comparing the sub-networks of different industries, it is found that there are significant differences in network scale, hub city and network density, which proved the polycentricity and diversity of urban space organizational hub-network structure. Finally, complex network theory is used to deliver deliberate attack experiments. The experimental results show that the network connectivity is basically not affected when the hinterland of the hub city is deleted, while the network connectivity declines obviously when the non-hinterland of the hub city is deleted. This indicates that the restriction of spatial distance between hubs and nodes is getting weaker, which is significantly different from the central-hinterland structure.
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DOI:10.1191/0309132502ph355raURL [本文引用: 1]
DOI:10.11821/xb199202001 [本文引用: 1]
Contradiction of the urban area structure in Shanghai is acute, which can be expressed in the following aspects: 1) Its high agglomeration of population and industrial factories is scar-cely seen among the famous megalopolises in the world, and the "crises of space" are very grave.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199403002 [本文引用: 1]
The Bohai Sea Rimland (BSR) includes Beijing and Tianjin Municipalities and Hebei. Liaoning and Shandong Provinces. Compared with other regions of China, this region’s comparative advantages are mainly: (1) the national political and scientific and technological center and the most important hub of information, finance and transportation and communication: (2) the superior combination of mineral resources and sound foundation of iron and steel industry, petro-chemical and saltbased chemical industry, heavy-duty machinery industry and textile industry. However, the current regional industrial structure is still in the lower stage of economic development and the industrial allocation needs to be improved by making full use of the locational advantage of coastal belt.Through a comparative analysis between Central Liaoning and East Shandong, it can be seen that the latter as the most vigorous developing area in BSR has exceeded the former in terms of total industrial output value. The main reason is that the big difference between these two region’s industrial systems has led to a different intensity of opening to the outside world and different features of external input/output linkages.The coastal belt, occupying 32% of BSR’s population, contributed 38. 6% of BSR’s GNP and 41. 2 % of the industrial output value in 1990.It is a fundamental and strategic measure to make the coastal belt of BSR an agglomerated zone with a strong economic power and a forward position in the north part of China in enhancing economic and technological exchange and cooperation with foreign countries. In the authors’ opinion.the implication of its sustainable development are: (1)to intensify the role of various levels of central cities. particularly Tianjin, Dalian and Qingdao as the most important regional economic centers with international significance, (2) to develop the economy of low-valley areas in coastal belt. mainly the Liaohe River Delta. West Coast of Bohai Sea and Yellow River delta. (3) to plan and implement the allocation of Sea-oriented industries and (4) to form a Bohai-Sea coastal industrial zone by rational use of coastal line according to marine-economic regionalization.The key points of the industrial development strategy of the BSR include: a) to Learn from the good experience of south coastal China, to increase the dynamics of the opening door policy of the coastal areas of the BSR, to develop new patterns of opening door to the outside world. b) to eastblish water-saving industrial zonesl; c) to speed up the development of marine resources and marine industrial group; d) to speed up the development of the tertiary industry. new and high-tech industries. engineering and electronics industries marinly automobiles, integrity of mechanical, electronics, and instrument-making industries including numerical controlled machine tool, precision machine tool, and automatic. intelligent apparatus and instruments. large complete sets of equipments and heavy machine making industries Concerning metallurgy. mine engineering, and petrochemical.investment-concentrated electronics industry including integrated circuit, computer, and so on.
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DOI:10.11821/xb199201003 [本文引用: 1]
It is reasonable that the authors believe that the belt area along the Yellow River will be-come another key axis of territory development paralleling to that of Yangtze River, which links the east, west and middle areas of the nation together.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201406011 [本文引用: 2]
Using the Chinese industrial enterprises database over the period 2001-2009, we analyze the spatial distribution of China's automobile manufacturing industry, by calculating the geographic concentration ratio and the EG index. We find the agglomeration level of China's automobile manufacturing industry has been falling over the period, and the motor vehicle parts manufacturing industry plays an essential role. To analyze the location choice of motor vehicle parts manufacturing start-ups, we build up the conditional logit model using the prefecture level data. The results indicate that: (1) unlike the U.S. and the European countries, the distributions of China's motor vehicle manufacturing firms and motor vehicle parts manufacturing firms are not spatially adjacent, (2) the motor vehicle parts manufacturing startups are labor intensive, which makes the industry's productivity and specialization inefficient, (3) not considering agglomeration economies, the market size and the local protectionism are positive and significant factors that influence the start-ups location choice. Due to all these factors, the specialization and the agglomeration level of China's automobile manufacturing industry is becoming lower.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201808005 [本文引用: 1]
With the implementation of the strategy of "Going Global" and the Belt and Road Initiative, China is playing a critical role in the global economy. Along with the increasing globalization of Chinese enterprises, China has gradually become an influential force in the global market. The contemporary literature has revealed how overseas Chinese networks and communities promoted foreign investments into China in the past four decades. Whether these networks and communities can drive Chinese capital to expand overseas once again is ambiguous. Employing the classical location theory, this study examines Chinese corporate investments in Southeast Asia from 2001 to 2016. Data were collected from official information of Chinese corporations released by the Ministry of Commerce of China. This research covers 10 countries located in Southeast Asia including Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, Brunei, Vietnam, Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos. Utilizing the discrete-selection logit regression model, the study analyzed the correlation between overseas Chinese social networks and the site selection of Chinese outbound investment. The results show that: (1) overall, the positive correlation between the number of overseas Chinese in Southeast Asian countries and the location choice of Chinese outbound investment is apparently significant; (2) in terms of time sequence, the significance of the correlation is soaring up, indicating that overseas Chinese have potentials in imposing positive impact on the promotion of locational choice of Chinese enterprises while the impact is potentially on the rise; (3) as for industrial structure and corporate functions, the impact is various and significant only in some industries and corporate segments. These findings affirm the positive value of overseas Chinese social networks on the globalization of Chinese corporations. Considering the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, this paper suggests that Chinese government should pay more attention to the improvement of the interactions between Chinese enterprises and overseas Chinese networks.
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DOI:10.1191/0309132503ph462prURL [本文引用: 1]
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201806005 [本文引用: 1]
The rapid process of China's industrialization is manifested in space as the formation and evolution of a series of industrial bases. The paper identifies and selects different industrial bases in China in 1985, 2001 and 2010. It then examines the evolution of these industrial bases and explores their evolution paths according to their scales or types, as well as summarizes the general pattern of its formation and evolution. The results indicate that the development of Chinese industrial bases have undergone four stages since the founding of the country: decentralization before the implementation of the reform and opening up policy; gradual gathering to the coastal areas in the early period of reform and opening up; balanced development from north to south since the beginning of the 21st century. Generally, industrial structure evolved from single to diversified development, combined the advantageous industries; the dominant sectors of industrial cities evolve from the light industry, basic raw material industry, to advanced manufacturing industries. Moreover, the essential factors of production are necessary, and the key factors are transformed from traditional production factors such as natural resources and labor forces, to new factors such as capital and information, with the expansion of industrial bases. The growth path and the impact factors for industrial bases of different sizes are different. The growth of small-sized bases maintains a single industry relied on natural resources; medium-sized bases tend to be sector integrated; the large bases are developing in industires of basic raw materials and equipment manufacturing.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201608009 [本文引用: 1]
From a power hierarchy perspective, this study investigates the innovation pattern and the changes of spatial organization forms of chemical industry, automobile industry and photovoltaic industry in Germany based on spatial econometric models. The established theories argue that the technological characteristics of heavy-chemical industry and the feature of innovative cooperation inevitably result in a weak geographical proximity and an enlarging spatial scale. Because technological hierarchy of clustering firms leads to a fundamental change of innovation externalities, geographical proximity is not a necessary condition for innovation and the spatial scale of innovative cooperation enlarges from a cluster to a region. Empirical research on Germany reveals: the spatial arrangement of heavy-chemical industry presents a weakly geographical proximity effect; its spatial configuration is not a traditional cluster but rather an industrial agglomeration zone based on a larger spatial scale; both heavy industry and chemical industry require a location with comprehensive knowledge and general technology diffusion; the core enterprises tend to be far away from others to be a "island" mostly because they have more power over their innovative partners. Our study suggests that there are three ways to promote the innovation and upgrading as well as optimize the spatial arrangement of China's heavy-chemical industry, namely, enhancing the innovation capability in vertical technology diffusion, establishing the general technology alliances in multiple production process, and fostering the innovation collaboration between large industrial zones.
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The textile and garment industry was the first manufacturing industry to take on the global shift, and is the most spatially dynamic of all industries with the evident relations across countries and regions. The study on China's textile and garment industry can help understand the characteristics of the regional industrial shift and the changes of the spatial distribution of industries in China. In this article, we use the locational Gini coefficient and the local Moran's I to analyze the spatial concentration of China's textile and garment industry using the prefecture-level data from 2001 to 2009, and depict the changes of industrial centers to track the relocation path of the industry. We find that the industries with the Gini coefficient larger than 0.95 are those highly dependent on the raw materials, while the industries that are not so dependent on the raw materials tend to be geographically dispersed. Overall speaking, the textile and garment industry is highly geographically concentrated, although the locational Gini coefficients have decreased a little bit in the past years. At the same time, we also find the declining positive spatial autocorrelation of the industrial distribution among regions. We can conclude that the regional shift of the textile and garment industry has emerged in China, especially among intra-province prefectures in Shandong, Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces as well as from these prefectures to some cities in the Central China such as Henan, Anhui and Jiangxi provinces. China's textile and garment industry has shifted from the developed prefectures in the coastal areas of eastern China to their neighboring prefectures throughout the years. Meanwhile, industries closely related to each other tend to relocate together in space, but spatial heterogeneity still exists.
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DOI:10.11821/xb201010007 [本文引用: 1]
This paper explains industrial agglomeration by combining industrial attributes and provincial characteristics. Based on data from the first economic census in 2004, this study found that industrial agglomeration significantly varied by industry and across province. Overall, industrial agglomeration in the western provinces is much higher than that in the coastal provinces. Indidvidual industries however show significant different patterns. Statistical analysis indicates that provincial characteristics such as per captita GDP, road and raiway density, ratio of non-state-owned economy, ratio of governmental expenses to GDP, number of development zones, social capital and law enforcement, and trade barrier indeed influence the extent of industrial agglomeration. Controlling for provincial dummies, industrial attributes such as agricultural input intensity, labor input intensity, average enterprises size, industrial linkages, ratio of foreign capital in total capital, ratio of exports in gross output, ratio of profits and value added taxes in total sales, ratio of state capital in total capital, transportation input intensity and planned key industries are associated with industrial agglomeration. The significance of many interactions between industrial attributes and provincial characteristics suggests that industrial agglomeration is not only industry-specific but also province-specific. The policy implication is that local governments shall carefully choose industries to develop industrial clusters.
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DOI:10.1177/0309132510364281URL [本文引用: 1]
DOI:10.11821/dlxb201502003 [本文引用: 1]
Economic technological development area (ETDA) is not only the critical growth pole of China's economic development, but also an important carrier of industrial development. This paper explored the spatio-temporal pattern of national and provincial economic and technological development areas, and the characteristics of industrial agglomeration in the eastern coastal region of China during 1996-2013, using the multi-distance spatial cluster analysis and kernel density estimation method in ArcGIS. The results showed that: (1) The distribution of economic technological development areas presents a concentrating trend, with the spatial pattern changing from the poly-centric agglomeration to the single-center agglomeration. (2) The scale and intensity of spatial concentration decreased first and then increased rapidly, which indicated that the intensity of spatial concentration was further strengthened, as the scale of spatial agglomeration expanded. (3) The agglomeration scale and degree in each agglomeration region have large differences, and the areas with the larger scale of spatial concentration prefer to smaller intensity of spatial concentration. (4) Economic technological development areas in the eastern coastal region have larger advantage in equipment manufacturing industry, textile and garment industry, the electronic communications industry, food industry, and petrochemical industry, but the spatial patterns of these industries are quite different.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201904012 [本文引用: 1]
At the same time as the gentrification movement has increasingly become a mean of urban renewal in some cities around the world, the connotation of the gentrification theory has been greatly enriched, and it has attracted the attention by different disciplines such as geography, planning, and management. In particular, with the rise of the cultural and creative industries in the 1990s, the renovation of old industrial zones led by creative parks has become one of the most important strategies for urban renewal, industrial upgrading and urban marketing, similar to the Western society's gentrification. And how to analyze the logic behind this phenomenon and reveal the dynamic mechanism of gentrification in the old industrial districts has become a research hotspot and difficulty in the study of gentrification and urban planning in the 21st century. In this article the Ningbo Hefeng Creative Plaza was chosen as case, questionnaires and interview data were used and the rooted theory and structural equation model were applied to construct and verify the dynamic mechanism of gentrification in the old industrial districts covering space production, push-pull mode and creative clusters. The findings can be concluded here: (1) The creative restoration process of Hefeng Creative Plaza presents a typical gentrification phenomenon, with characteristics of the openness and multi-landscape dominated by high-end office buildings, privatization of thesettled enterprises, the characteristics of creative production factors and the externalization of production relations, as well as group characteristics of younger population, feelings of creativity and service-oriented, creativity and service-oriented. (2) The phenomenon of gentrification in Hefeng Creative Plaza is a social space replacement formed by the push-pull method under the production of space in the old industrial districts. That is, spatial fix is dominated by the production and reproduction relationships linked by capital, power, and creativity; The material space creation and creative practice of architectural planners and creative class form a spatial representation; Spatial representation promotes the endogenous development and evolution of creative clusters, catalyzes cultural consensus and identity based on cultural, ideal and emotional experiences, and sublimates into a representational space. the Logical path of "sensual recognition of local elements → rational constraints of capital elements and relationship forces → coordination of local elements, capital elements and relationship forces → feedback of relationship forces" has been formed, which has activated the spatial evolution of the old industrial areas. (3) The development of Hefeng Creative Cluster depends on the interaction of cultural atmosphere, office environment, economic location, government policy and social relationship network.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201910002 [本文引用: 1]
Looking back on the 40 years of reform and opening-up, Chinese industry has achieved rapid growth and development, and Chinese industrial geography has been profoundly reshaped under the profound institutional evolution environment. Chinese industry has undergone a process of spreading in the inland to agglomeration in the coastal areas and then dispersion towards the inland again. However, the geographical pattern of different types of industries is influenced by different forces, leading to differences in the spatial restructuring process. Since the beginning of reform and opening-up in 1978, Chinese industries have been increasingly more agglomerated at different geographical scales, but still much lower than the European Union and the United States. Industrial agglomeration and decentralization drive industrial migration at different scales. In spite of the heterogeneity of industries, industrial migration has generally changed from a scattered layout to an agglomeration pattern in coastal areas; and in recent years, industrial migration has gradually shifted from developed eastern provinces to central provinces, indicating a new round of industrial migration. Remarkable regional industrial entries and exits have promoted the evolution and diversification of local industries. Overall, Chinese industrial space tends to be more complex and concentrated, the links between industries are further strengthened with a more obvious "path dependence" characteristics of industrial evolution in coastal areas. Theoretically, Chinese economic reform is not only the reform of development mode, but also the reform of institutions in essence. The fundamental triple process of marketization, globalization and decentralization has introduced market forces, local forces, and global forces to reshape Chinese industrial geography. And for the study of Chinese industrial geography, besides continuing to summarize patterns and dynamics from multiple perspectives, it is necessary to reveal the deep-level mechanism of the evolution of industrial geography pattern through phenomena, and evaluate the multiple effects of the reshaping of industrial geographical pattern systematically.
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb202004001 [本文引用: 1]
In the context of globalization, the interests of countries are intertwined and complicated, thus leads to multiple types of trade frictions. In order to protect domestic industries, some countries frequently set up trade protection barriers to restrict Chinese exports, which has a significant impact on China's economic development. Therefore, it is crucial for us to clarify the impact of trade protection barriers on regional export expanding processes in China. Based on the data of the China Customs Database from 2002 to 2016, this article focuses on the expanding path of Chinese export products by integrating the supply and demand perspectives into the same framework. In addition to the introduction to trade barriers set in the demand market as external forces, we also take the external market relatedness effect into consideration, which enriches traditional export spillover mechanisms. The main findings are as follows: (1) With the process of product upgrading, Chinese export destination structure is gradually leaning to emerging economies. Eastern and Central China, which expand their exporting portfolio by exporting more technology-intensive and capital-intensive products, are main contributors to this process. (2) The evolution path of Chinese export products presents typical path dependence characteristics composed of market linkages and technological linkages. In comparison, market linkages, which have been formerly neglected, are more vital to the expanding process of Chinese export market. (3) Multiple trade barriers will inhibit export expanding by cutting off channels for products entry, thereby breaking the region's original export expanding routes. (4) External shocks have a common effect on expanding mechanisms of regional export products by weakening the path dependence of technological linkages and market linkages. In conclusion, absorbing foreign investment, regional economic cooperation and diversification of export product and destination structure are effective countermeasures against external shocks like trade barriers.
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