, 张鑫Constructing a mobile travel experience model: Empirical study of cyclists travelling to Tibet
ZHANGChaozhi, ZHANGXin收稿日期:2017-06-11
修回日期:2017-09-14
网络出版日期:2017-12-15
版权声明:2017《地理研究》编辑部《地理研究》编辑部
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1 引言
2006年,Sheller和Urry基于社会学、地理学等研究提出了流动性范式,重点关注现代化进程中不断加快的各种流动现象[1,2]。在全球化的流动时代,旅游实际已经从“凝视”（tourist gaze）转变为一种移动的“扫视”（travel glance）[3],但在以往的旅游体验研究中,体验被划分成在途（travel to site）、在场（on-site activity）和返程（return travel）三个阶段[4]。当旅游者不以某个旅游地点为目的,而将整个流动过程作为旅游目的地时,在这种“扫视”过程中,其旅游体验如何构成与解释,尚未有文献进行清晰回答。近年来,骑自行车入藏逐渐成为年轻人的一种时尚。沿318国道骑自行车由川入藏——“骑行318”甚至被网友调侃为“新四大俗事”之一。目前骑行入藏主要有滇藏（昆明—拉萨）、川藏（成都—拉萨）、青藏（西宁—拉萨）、新藏（喀什—拉萨）四条路线。但无论选择哪条路线,路上都要花费20~30天的时间,而在目的地拉萨停留时间大多不超过一周,这有悖于旅游决策中的行游比（travel-time ratio）原则。这些骑行者是为了怎样的体验?有人认为,旅程本身和目的地一样,也是重要的吸引物[5,6],因此骑行旅游者在骑行途中所获得的旅游体验和乐趣,远远大于乘坐其他交通工具的旅行方式,这也是众多自行车旅游爱好者热衷于此项活动的一个重要原因[7]。但这些骑行者“违背常理”骑行入藏,究竟获得什么样的体验,骑行过程与这种体验的生成有什么关系,仍没有得到有效回答。本研究拟通过对骑行入藏游客的研究来回答这一问题。
2 文献综述
2.1 旅游体验
旅游体验的概念。旅游体验的概念在讨论中不断变化,至今尚未形成共识。大体上,旅游体验的概念有四种建构模式,并正在不断发展转变：非惯常环境建构转向惯常与非惯常环境共建的模式,即旅游者的体验不仅来源非惯常经历,也可以利用技术手段如VR技术在惯常环境中获得非惯常体验;单一建构模式向多元建构模式转变,即旅游者的体验从单一的体验动机到多元的体验动机转变;从客体到主体的转变,即从关注旅游对象对旅游体验的影响转向关注客体和主体共同对旅游体验的影响;从绝对阐释向相对阐释转变,即强调体验的客观真实性到存在真实性转变[8]。旅游体验的维度。常见的旅游体验维度划分法是阶段划分法,即将旅游体验分为在途（travel to site）、在场（on site activities）和返程（return travel）三个阶段,根据前期影响因素和后期产生的影响等多个要素来理解旅游体验[4]。另一种是视觉划分法,即由旅游者是否在现场进行视觉体验来划分,如凝视、观看乃至于触感、味感等感观体验,将旅游体验分为视觉体验和非视觉体验两个维度[9]。此外,近年来关于旅游的情感体验研究日益增多,甚至提出旅游研究的情感与情感转向（emotional and affectual turn）[10],强调旅游过程的情感体验。旅游体验的构成维度也因此出现了触感、观感和情感的三维结构。
旅游体验的产生。这方面的研究主要从现象学角度阐释旅游如何产生,早期Boorstin等都认为旅游者为追求差异环境而产生旅游体验[11-13],这种解释至今仍被视为经典。国内****谢彦君等的系列研究将旅游体验的产生理解为氛围情境与行为情境的营造,并将旅游体验的生成途径总结为观赏、交往、模仿、消费等几种途径[14],但这种提法尚未得到国际文献的响应。
2.2 流动性与旅游体验
在全球化的深刻影响下,各种流动表征并重塑地方、社会结构和价值观念,同时也使旅游活动达到前所未有的广度和强度,旅游流动日渐成为流动的重要形式[15]。旅游活动具有典型的流动性特征,流动性范式把旅游从边缘拉到了社会文化的中心[16,17],具体表现在以下几个方面：流动改变旅游中地方的意义。流动性强调用流动（mobilities）、系泊/节点（moorings）和不流动（immobilities）三种不同状态来描述世界时空观。世界通过流动的节点和流动的空间互相联系,其重新定义了旅游研究中的地方（place）与人（people）[18]。原先地理学对地方（place）的认识基于居所和景观呈现的视觉特征[19],而流动空间则赋予非地方（non-place）以新的地方感[20]。
流动改变旅游的体验方式。流动过程形成流动性体验[21],流动产生动态视觉使地方、物、景观相互结合[22],飞逝和孤立的物体开始变得特殊[20],人与人之间的关系也有了新的联结纽带,快乐与责任可以在流动中传递[17],景观、扫视、逃离和真实性因此构成了流动性体验的主体框架[23]。本质上讲,旅游流动本身就是一种自由体验的表现[24,25],是一种道路上的自由[26]。流动中的自由体验既是一种目的性体验也是一种工具性体验,让旅游者实现地理空间的转换[27],使旅游者离开家和熟悉的地方进入一个陌生的地方,带来新奇的旅游体验[28],也模糊了家与路的关系[29]。
流动性改变旅游的情感。研究表明,追求流动本身就是一种自我个性的表达[30],如背包客在长期的旅行中形成的道路文化（road culture）及相应的情感表达方式就是典型的个性表达[31,32]。流动过程中,旅游者可能与景观进行行为或情感互动（intimacy）[33],也可以享受“逃避”（escapism）[34]或者“独处”（solitude）[35,36],甚至是“成为别人的风景”（virtual otherness）,这些本身就是某种情感的表达。当然,流动性,如自驾车旅游给游客带来的也不全是由冒险而促发的愉悦体验,也有可能是恐惧、挫败、羡慕、愤怒甚至是痛苦[37,38],总之,流动性极大地丰富了旅游者的情感体验。
2.3 自行车流动性与旅游体验
20世纪末,人们对于自行车的认识和观念产生了戏剧性转变,自行车作为节能环保的交通方式被寄托了新的生态责任和公民责任[39],自行车的自流动性研究也因此得到重视。与汽车相比,自行车至少有以下三个方面的差异性：一是环境友好且获取成本低,兼具自流动性和可持续性流动的特点[40];二是骑行者处于一个开放的流动空间,而自驾车者坐在完全封闭的独立隐私空间透过“透明的胶囊”来观察外面的世界[41],游客一旦进入汽车,驾驶者的主观能动性就会受到一定的限制[26],骑行者则不受此影响;三是骑行者的流动速度相对较慢。慢速流动给骑行者更多观看当地细节的机会,容易对地方产生亲近感[22],比汽车的快速流动所多花的时间往往是愉快的、值得的[42]。
自行车流动性增强了人与地方、空间的互动。自行车流动性是姿势、扫视与身体运动的组合,骑行者在流动过程中不断探寻行进轨迹,思考他们的空间权利,不断强化他们“在路上”的状态[43],强化其独特的旅行方式。自行车流动与地方、空间的联系紧密相关,实现了骑行者、自行车与景观的互动并产生了特殊的地方感[44,45],是社会、技术与自然相融的空间配置,是推动休闲和视觉愉悦相结合的新方式[46],这种新方式不再仅仅依赖于视觉,而是触觉、嗅觉、动觉等共同建构的全景式体验[20,46]。此外,骑行是旅游者在汽车之外接触地方环境的途径之一,也是相对公平自由的公民身份的体现之一,从而也会影响旅游者对社会和环境的认识[42]。
自主性带来掌控自由的体验。现代社会的流动性促成新游牧主义的产生,而新游牧主义者往往重视流动过程中的自主权,这种自主流动的过程也就是其主体性形成的途径[47]。一方面,汽车鼓舞驾驶者的“文化探险梦”[48,49],使其产生一种时空游走状态下不可预知的刺激[30],为驾驶者提供与不同的沿途风景进行身心交流的体验。另一方面,公共汽车等交通工具虽然给游客一种安全感,但是内心的平和以及不用为路途担心会淡化稀释旅行体验,所以要实现自主流动的前提往往就是个人控制交通工具[50],其中自驾车、自行车往往是最佳的方式,而自行车的自我控制性特征更强。
综述表明,骑行增加了旅游的流动性,使旅游具有开放、互动、重构地方意义的特征,同时流动性改变了旅游体验的方式,丰富了旅游体验的情感特征。然而流动的骑行者究竟获得了何种体验,这种体验有什么结构特征,并没得到清晰回答,本文拟通过对骑行入藏者的观察来探索这一问题。
3 研究方法与数据来源
3.1 资料收集
观察法。流动性范式要求把世界放在一种现代流动的视角下来观察,研究者需要和被观察的研究对象一起流动、参与、体验并记录这种流动[1,51,52]。根据作者前期的尝试,一方面由于体能、高原反应等原因,另一方面出于行进速度与可接触样本等原因,发觉长时间、高强度的骑行和访谈、参与式观察相结合的方案并不可行。于是于2014年8月17日至9月3日间,选择了骑行与途搭（中途搭车）相结合的方式（每天行程平均约为骑行者的1.5倍）从大理至拉萨,行程时间与全程骑行相比会有所加快,接触的骑行者也比较多。在整个过程中,作者和骑行者同吃同住,以驴友的身份相处,研究开展时主动表明研究者的身份,在征得同意的情况下进行访谈。同时,作者与几位骑友保持紧密联系,每天交流骑行状态与感受。作者每天撰写旅行日志,记录内容包括每日的访谈和观察情况,骑行者的行为、交谈内容,以及作者的个人感受。半结构式访谈。在整个过程中,针对骑行者的体验描述作为访谈的重点,在调研开始前选择性地加入多个入藏骑行QQ群,主动联系即将出发的骑友了解情况并发出访谈邀约。在调研过程中,通过关注受访者的社交网络,了解其每日骑行状态,结合骑行者提供的照片等资料,将尽可能多的资料关联在一起并不断调整优化访谈提纲,在途中随时访谈。共访谈骑行者33人,访谈过程中大部进行了录音,少数不同意录音的受访者也进行了现场记录。访谈样本中,从年龄结构来看,87%的受访者年龄在35岁以下（只有3位受访者年龄超过40岁）。从职业特点来看,40%的受访者有全职工作,36%的受访者为学生,此外还有部分因辞职而暂时无业的部分受访者。从受教育程度来看,70%以上具有大专及以上学历,学历最低的受访者为初中以上学历。
3.2 分析框架
如前所述,流动性改变目的地的意义,使路途本身成为目的,骑行过程成为工具,将“在途”“在场”和“返程”变成“在路上”,使旅游三阶段变成一个整体,同时,流动性丰富了感觉器官与沿途氛围的互动,从“观看”变成了与沿途氛围扫描式互动,以及由此带来的情感体验。据此,借鉴谢彦君等的“行为情境”和“氛围情境”二维结构基础上[14],结合流动性旅游体验的特点,增加“情感情境”这一维度,将流动性旅游体验总结为触感（行动）—观感（氛围）—情感（情绪）的“三感式”体验结构,并以此为逻辑框架对全文进行材料组织与分析。3.3 资料分析
以扎根理论的方法,对录音转化的文字记录进行分析整理。根据观察与访谈的整理材料,考虑到本研究的重点是探索旅游体验的生成结构,根据骑行以“在路上”为重要目标的特点,不适用“在途—在场—返程”的维度划分,故采用图1所示的行为—氛围—情感的三维分析框架,采取情境化的分析方式,建立编码系统（表1）,试图通过不断审视编码体系间的关系来建构理论框架。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图1流动性旅游体验的分析框架
-->Fig. 1Framework for mobile travel experience analysis
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Tab.1
表1
表1编码归类一览表
Tab.1Code classification
| 归档 | 开放编码 | |
|---|---|---|
| 行为情境 | 骑行活动 | 险峻山路;骑行行程;疲惫身躯;多变天气;自我挑战;自动力 |
| 景物观赏 | 人文地理;多元景观;原生态景观;慢速全景式观景;融入自然 | |
| 社会交往 | 骑友;当地;远方朋友;团队精神;交换;鼓励帮助;分享;炫耀 | |
| 氛围情境 | 宗教文化 | 修行;信仰;虔诚信徒;传说故事;朝圣仪式;宗教符号;聆听观察;模仿 |
| 民俗民风 | 藏族民居风格;简朴单纯的生活方式;藏地文化;淳朴真诚的藏民;亲身体验 | |
| 在路上 | 成长;环境变化;流动过程;远离压力;随心漫游 | |
| 情感情境 | 震撼与恐惧 | 恐惧;审美震撼;神圣感;厌倦;危险 |
| 反思与感动 | 专注投入;自我认同;后悔羞愧;审美反思;感恩;感动;他人认同;虚荣心存在感;孤独;思考;探索未知;真实感;自我审视 | |
| 自由与愉悦 | 自主掌控感;亲近感;感官愉悦;自由感;新鲜感;轻松自在 | |
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4 骑行入藏的旅游体验
4.1 行为情境
行为情境由旅游者活动及其与景观和他者的交流互动而产生[14],在骑行者入藏的过程中,流动行为与普通旅游行为体验有较大差异：4.1.1 骑行活动 访谈发现,骑行活动行为大概有以下三种：
挑战自我行为。有些骑者是为了挑战而进行骑行。如A20是一名政府的公务员,面对险峻山路、多变天气的挑战,他有着一股自我挑战的欲望,并留下了对这种挑战的深刻记忆：“我……要证明下自己,要挑战下……我在剪子弯山（318国道途经山峰,位于四川省雅江县,海拔4000 m以上）的时候被冰雹砸过……路上频繁的穿雨衣,脱雨衣,就是这个感觉,就摸不清天气到底是什么样的……”（A20,男,河南）。
以自我踩踏为动力前进。虽然外界环境很恶劣,骑行者却坚持以自我踩踏为动力去征服险峻山路。在骑行者看来,虽然骑行和自驾一样到达了山顶,但却有着完全不一样的意义：“骑行就不一样,记忆深刻。爬坡我用12档,骑1 km,踩800到1000下,码表跳1 m或100 m,都很开心”（A26,男,福建）。
自主掌握流动。骑行过程也并非一直处于痛苦和紧张的挑战中,在整个骑行过程中,骑行者会享受到人与车在道路上自主流动的畅快感,这种畅快感来自于自主性流动所带来的身体自由。如A29的福建小蓝指出：“很自由,车速挂到3档,在公路或者山路上来来去去,我比较喜欢这种自由的感觉。这个自由是所有户外活动都有的,坐公交和火车就没有”。
4.1.2 景物观赏 骑行者与一般乘车旅游者的行为不同：
骑行相对较慢,像观看一个慢节奏的电影。A4是一位来自四川的司机,他深刻地把握住骑行的景物观赏体验特征：“在每一个景点,单车移动的速度比较慢,观察就仔细了,不拍照,你就把它印在脑海里,路途风景好坏你都知道。如果你开车的话,很多东西你都不知道,你一天几百公里,我一天几十公里,虽说没有照相,但是感觉好”（A4,男,四川）。
骑行是全景式的体验,可以从各个视角观看景观。A4（男,四川）在比较自驾和骑行的时候提到：“开车就是这里有个观景台,我们停下来,看一下,照个相,但骑单车整个路线的角度都观察在内”。骑行者能仔细全面地观景,做到类似于Urry提出的“全景式的视觉”。
融入原生态自然景观。有些交通工具像个封闭的胶囊,只能允许视觉通过,从而隔绝人和外界的联系[41],而骑行是户外运动与旅游结合的产物,天然就有一种积极与环境融入的亲近感。完全浸入环境的骑行方式,使得这种亲近感基于视觉却不限于视觉,如看到野生动物,嗅到空气中的气味等等,正如A30和A26所描述：“我们一路上看过很多藏羚羊和野驴,还有太多的小田鼠,跑来跑去的。在火车上就拍不到藏羚羊,过去的太快了。路上还看到一只被撞死的狐狸,我们觉得好心酸啊,这么有野性的一个东西”。
4.1.3 社会交往 与其他旅游方式相比,骑行者有更多的社交机会,他们与骑友、当地居民、远方朋友和陌生驴友积极互动：
与骑行团队成员的互动行为。入藏骑行大多以团队形式进行,大家在团队中贯彻分工合作、分担共享、互相扶持和民主决策等团队精神。如A26对团队互动的看法“（分工合作）我们后来有了分工,李是出纳,另一人是会计……（互相扶持）该互相帮助的也会互相帮助。……（分担共享）午餐自己买干粮,晚餐住宿是一起公款,每个人凑几百放在一起……（民主决策）我们去哪个地方去玩,一般都会统一投票,民主方法决定”（A26,男,福建）,骑行者与团队之外的骑行者之间的交往形式也大致相当。
与当地居民的交往。骑行者在骑行途中会经常与当地居民接触,如问路、闲聊、吃饭甚至借宿,骑行者常常得到当地居民无私的帮助。来自福建的学生小白（A5）谈到最让他感动的几个人：“在路上,有四个最让我觉得感动的人,一个是给东西吃的藏族大姐;一个是给我酥油茶（西藏特色饮品,由酥油和浓茶加工而成）喝的藏族人家,一起吃饭、唱歌、交换特产,一个问路的人,给他米老头……”（A5,男,福建）。
与朋友的分享和炫耀。借助手机等设备,骑行者仍能和远方好友保持联系。大部分骑行者都通过朋友圈发照片与大家分享：“前两天的东达山（位于西藏左贡境内,海拔5008 m）和觉巴山,每天都会更新朋友圈。你看到的风景,分享给别人也是很好的”（A6,男,广东）。部分骑行者还会在与远方朋友或者陌生驴友的交往中,夸耀自己的骑行经历,满足自我的虚荣。
4.2 氛围情境
骑行入藏游客始终浸泡在入藏途中的各种氛围环境中,这种氛围除了一般游客所关注的自然景观,也体现于一种弥漫在骑行者内心的感受,具体包括宗教文化氛围、民俗民风氛围以及“在路上”的氛围感受。4.2.1 宗教文化 在骑行入藏的过程中,骑行者始终被包裹在浓郁的宗教文化氛围中,这种氛围蕴藏于虔诚信徒、传说故事、朝圣仪式等宗教符号内,骑行者则通过聆听、观察和模仿等行为来获得体验,主要包括三种类型：
聆听传说故事。进藏沿线从仓央嘉措（六世达赖喇嘛,西藏历史上著名的民歌诗人和政治人物）到梅里雪山（藏传佛教四大神山之一）,这些口口相传的故事让骑行者始终感受到一种藏区神秘的宗教文化氛围。如A3表示“她（客栈老板）和我们聊梅里雪山是神山,还讲好多故事,突然就觉得梅里雪山好神圣……”（A3,女,江西）。
观察宗教仪式。观察虔诚信徒的宗教仪式,对骑行者内心震撼巨大。A8在回想这样的经历时,敬畏地说到：“我在317上看到两个磕长头的,一个人磕头,一个人推车,车上有被子和水壶,我只拍了一张照片就不敢也不愿去打扰他们”（A8,男,福建）。
模仿宗教仪式。一些骑行者出于一种好奇心或者对宗教行为背后美好愿景的认同,对宗教行为进行模仿。作者多次观察到骑行者在入藏的路边堆玛尼堆（藏民传统习俗）,也曾在八角街（即“八廓街”,位于西藏拉萨旧城商业中心）看到一些骑行者跟随信徒转经,无一不表明他们被这种氛围所感染。
4.2.2 民俗民风 在藏区骑行,民俗民风的氛围对骑行者的体验至关重要。这种氛围蕴含在藏族民居风格、简朴单纯的生活方式、藏地文化和藏民淳朴真诚的态度之中。主要包括两种形式：
亲身体验民俗。骑行者通过亲身体验的方式获得对这种氛围的感知。A11比较在藏地骑行和在粤北骑行的经历时,就深刻体会到两地民风民俗的不同：“……接触内地的人太久,突然接触这样的人,感觉一下子就不一样了。之前在粤北那里骑长途,我下大雨去居民家躲雨,他关着门不让躲雨,说怕偷东西。这边藏民就没什么防备心,猪牛羊满街跑,他看到你在屋檐下躲雨,会把门打开让你进去躲雨,烤烤火之类,也不要求你买他们的东西,之前遇到一个哥们说差点留下了做藏民的女婿了”（A11,男,福建）。
入住藏民家庭。有些时候,为了获得更好的民俗民风体验,多数骑行者会选择入住藏民家中,从而有机会观察他们的生活。A24在一家藏族家庭旅社住了两晚,对藏民及其生活生产方式有了比较直观的认知：“达美哥人不错的,家里的房子也不错,是自己装修的,早上吃的奶汤饭,晚上吃的土豆包子,甜茶都有,管饱。达美哥家有自己一片牧场,有人来就做生意,没人就不管……他们家还有一个藏獒,很凶”（A24,男,四川）。
4.2.3 “在路上” “在路上”的精髓源于美国“垮掉的一代”和新游牧主义,具有漂泊、自由、激情、追寻、梦想、反思等内涵。受旅游活动影响,环境的变化、不断的流动过程和远离压力组成了“在路上”的基本元素,前两种氛围情境都是当地环境所赋予的,而在路上这种情境是旅游活动本身所具有的,并且深深隐藏在旅游活动的背后。骑行者“在路上”的氛围情境主要表现为三种：
在路上的思考。骑行过程中,骑行者远离了熟悉的人与事,远离了压力,这种独处的时间给骑行者一个良好的思考机会。反思旅游与生活的意义是“在路上”氛围情境的一部分,A9表达了类似的看法：“你在相当一段时间内去独处的时候,是最可以去思考自己内心的时候,你究竟想要什么,想做什么,这就是活出自我,骑行过程中很多时间我都是在独处,向内看自己”（A9,男,北京）。
在路上的随心漫游。由于个体处于一种异地的流动氛围中,摆脱了原有的束缚,产生了心灵的自由。有一个骑友告诉作者：“我每天晚上6点钟找个地方去冲凉,然后推个车慢慢去找地方去扎营,找个喜欢的地方,我特别喜欢这样的感觉,我在香格里拉的时候,洗澡完了两个小时,骑车到了一片草原,在那上面扎营,很自由”。
在路上探索未知。“在路上”还表现为环境的不断变化使得骑行者在不断的漫游过程中探索未知。来自重庆的A21,对这种“在路上”的情境有着深刻的理解：“这一路上……每一天都是新鲜的,每天都不一样,每天都在前进”。
4.3 情感情境
骑行入藏的过程中,始终伴随着强烈的情感,如对恶劣环境和死亡的恐惧、对壮美风景的震撼与愉悦、对团队帮助的感恩、对当地居民淳朴民风的感动等,这些情感本身成为骑行入藏体验的重要组成部分。4.3.1 恐惧与震撼 入藏线路上的无人区,时常出现滑坡事故,引起骑行者的恐惧。七十二拐（位于西藏八宿境内,318国道必经路段）以多弯道和陡坡闻名,是318国道上比较危险的地段。A13（男,四川）在回顾七十二拐时心有余悸：“下七十二拐本身倒没什么,控制好速度慢慢下,下坡的时候还看到牌子上写着,此处已死十三人,突然觉得后怕”。在调研期间,排龙—通麦地质灾难频发区就发生了一起自驾游客被飞石砸死的事件。作者观察到,无论骑行者的技巧如何,出行的目的是怎样,在骑行过程中经常突然涌出一瞬的恐惧感。另一方面,骑行者在感到恐惧的同时,常常被西藏高原景观的壮美所震撼,如从福建来的A26看到米堆冰川后表示“我们去了都没有后悔,我们觉得很震撼,我脚走在上面都发抖,花了3个小时一直走到冰川下面,那个冰川下面都是空洞,不小心的话会掉下去”（A26,男,福建）。
4.3.2 感动与反思 在恶劣的自然条件下,骑行者经常得到同伴的帮助。如A26提及的一个细节：“那次泥石流,他们都扛车过去,我比较胆小坚决不扛,在泥石流下脚在打颤,小黑哥说我帮你扛……我感动得想哭”。同时,沿途淳朴的居民也常常让骑行者感动。A31（男,河南）表示“西藏还是让人呢挺感动的,人非常单纯,让人相信美好的事情存在”。在与当地居民交往中,部分骑行者也不忘感恩。A5（男,福建）说自己一路上保持着一颗感恩的心,觉得藏民都很淳朴友好,“那些给酥油茶喝的藏族人家,一起吃饭、唱歌、交换特产……这些我都会记在心上落在笔记上。在喝酥油茶的藏民家还要了藏民的地址,并许诺要寄特产到藏民家里去”。在充满感动与感恩的旅途中,骑行者们也在不断反思与自我审视,如A8（男,福建）表示：“城市的生活让你觉得就像带着面具,把面具卸下来的时候不知道自己是谁了。希望通过骑行的方式寻找,寻找感恩,发现震撼自己的东西。当你和藏民交流的时候,他很真,你发现自己也要真,不去真的话都对不起这样的场景,就像在一个干净的城市里,你都不好意思去扔垃圾。我就是在追求那种自我,发现真我”。
4.3.3 自由与愉悦 在艰辛的骑行过程中,骑行者总能得到想要的自主掌控感,以及由此带来的自由与愉悦。技能水平较高的骑行者在骑行活动中往往能够比较轻松地完成挑战,并享受这种自主掌控感和自由感。A21（男,重庆）就表示“骑自行车就像自己在主演一部流动的电影,主宰自由,全身心投入到其中,并且还是一部未知的剧本”。有时,骑行者的愉悦也来自于他人的认同,如A29（女,福建）对这种情况深有感触：“如果遇到骑友,别人的一个大拇指或者是加油,都会让你感到振奋。我觉得这次出来最大收获还是获得一种存在感吧。自己在自己心里的存在感,自己对自己更加认同,是这次出来最大的收获吧”。骑行者在以自我为动力前行的过程中,付出了艰辛的代价,但这些代价也并非能获得所有人的理解,所以得到他人的认同是他们莫大的快乐。
5 结论与讨论
骑行者的体验本质是一种行游结合的体验。自行车的流动性改变了旅游者的“在途—在场—返程”三段式旅游体验结构,形成了以“在路上”为线索的触感（行为）、观感（氛围）与情感（情绪）三维式体验。这源于行为情境、氛围情境和情感情境三个维度：（1）行为情境是指骑行者与沿途的人、物、景的互动活动,具体包括骑行活动、景物互动、社会交往,是直接影响骑行入藏体验的主观因素。
（2）氛围情境是指骑行者沿途耳闻目睹以及通过其他各种感观感受到的氛围,具体包括宗教氛围、民俗民风、“在路上”空间转换与流动的氛围;是整个骑行流动过程中的“旅游罩”（tourist bubble）,骑行者在其中穿行并不断与周边的氛围进行互动;是影响骑行体验的客观因素。
（3）情感情境是指骑行者在沿途流动过程中,主观行为不断与周边客观环境互动,即行为与氛围的不断交融,而促发的主体的情感变化,具体包括恐惧与震撼、感动与反思、自由与愉悦等强烈的情感,这种强烈的情感成为骑行入藏独有的魅力与体验,成为骑行者体验的内核。综上,将骑行者旅游体验总结为行为—氛围—情感结构模型（图2）。图中横轴表示骑行者所处的氛围情境变化,左侧竖轴表示行为情境变化,右侧竖轴表示情感情境变化,灰色罩表示骑行者在骑行中穿越的“旅游罩”,骑行者在这个由沿途氛围所构成的“旅行罩”中穿行并形成丰富的内心情感体验。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图2骑行入藏流动性旅游体验模型示意图
-->Fig. 2Mobile travel experience model of riders to Tibet
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本研究还发现,骑行入藏者以自我踩踏为动力,以慢速全景式亲近环境,在长时间的流动过程中,他们突破传统旅游的“前台”与“后台”区隔、突破“在途—在场—返程”的三段式体验结构,通过与周边的人、景、物的互动,加强了与本地的联系和自我的社会认同。在他们眼里,沿途的“地方”已经不再是传统的“点”或者“面”,而是沿途“一线”行为与氛围互动的情感载体,他们与沿线的景观和社会的关系不再是单纯的“凝视”（tourist gaze）,而更多是“扫视”（glance）。在整个骑行的“触感—观感—情感”体验过程中,沿途的氛围至关重要,它不仅是骑行者互动的对象与空间,更是骑行者情感体验的生成空间,是一种新的“旅游罩”（tourist bubble）。
行为—氛围—情感体验模型表明,在自驾、骑行等流动性旅游形式日益盛行的时代,建设旅游通道的情感体验氛围至关重要。丰富多样的情感体验不仅是游客满意度的重要影响因素[53],也是促进目的地健康持续发展的重要力量,这一结论对“全域”旅游开发建设具有启示意义。当然,由于研究案例地的特殊性,这一结构是否有普适性,还有待于未来更进一步检验。
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
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| [12] | . CiteSeerX - Scientific documents that cite the following paper: Toward a sociology of international tourism |
| [13] | . 本文从现象学、格式塔心理学的角度出发,通过对旅游现象尤其是旅游行为的分析,构建了一个可以描述旅游行为动力过程的基本理论模型:旅游场.相应地,笔者提出了一系列相关的范畴,从而开辟了旅游体验研究的一些新的领域. 本文从现象学、格式塔心理学的角度出发,通过对旅游现象尤其是旅游行为的分析,构建了一个可以描述旅游行为动力过程的基本理论模型:旅游场.相应地,笔者提出了一系列相关的范畴,从而开辟了旅游体验研究的一些新的领域. |
| [14] | Publication » Editorial: The Geography of Tourism is Dead. Long Live Geographies of Tourism and Mobility. |
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| [17] | has become more appropriate than the traditional Cartesian model of homogenous, self-enclosed and contiguous blocks of territory that has long been used to describe the modern interstate system' (Brenner, 2004, p.66). This shift away from the `traditional, Westphalian model of statehood' based on national-territorial containers towards more `complex, polymorphic, and multiscalar regulatory geographies' (Brenner, 2004, p.67) is, we would add, fundamentally related to the emergence of complex mobility systems and their restructuring of both space and time.Mobilities cannot be described without attention to the necessary spatial, infrastructural and institutional moorings that configure and enable mobilities - creating what Harvey (1989) called the `spatial fix'. Thus the forms of detachment or `deterritorialization' associated with `liquid modernity' (Bauman, 2000) are always accompanied by rhizomic attachments and reterritorializations of various kinds (Shurmer-Smith & Hannam, 1994; Sheller, 2004a). There are interdependent systems of `immobile' material worlds and especially some exceptionally immobile platforms, transmitters, roads, garages, stations, aerials, airports, docks, factories through which mobilizations of locality are performed and re-arrangements of place and scale materialized. The complex character of such systems stems from the multiple fixities or moorings often on a substantial physical scale that enable the fluidities of liquid modernity, and especially of capital. Thus `mobile machines', mobile phones, cars, aircraft, trains and computer connections, all presume overlapping and varied time-space immobilities (Graham & Marvin, 2001; Urry, 2003a). There is no linear increase in fluidity without extensive systems of immobility, yet there is a growing capacity for more flexible and dynamic scalar shifting, polymorphism of spatial forms and overlapping regulatory regimes. We can refer to these as affording different degrees of `motility' or potential for mobility (Kaufmann, 2002), with motility now being a crucial dimension of unequal power relations.Mobilities also are caught up in power geometries of everyday life (Massey, 1994). There are new places and technologies that enhance the mobility of some peoples and places even as they also heighten the immobility of others, especially as people try to cross borders (Timothy, 2001; Verstraete, 2004; Wood & Graham, 2006). `Differential mobility empowerments reflect structures and hierarchies of power and position by race, gender, age and class, ranging from the local to the global' (Tesfahuney, 1998, p.501). Rights to travel, for example, are highly uneven and skewed even between a pair of countries (Timothy, 2001; Gogia, 2006). Many feminist theorists have argued that nomadic theory rests on a `romantic reading of mobility', and that `certain ways of seeing [arise] as a result of this privileging of cosmopolitan mobility' (Kaplan, 2006; see also Pritchard, 2000; Tsing, 2002). Ahmed, for example, critiques mobile forms of subjectivity and argues that the `idealisation of movement, or transformation of movement into a fetish, depends upon the exclusion of others who are already positioned as not free in the same way' (Ahmed, 2004, p.152). Skeggs further argues that the mobility paradigm can be linked to a `bourgeois masculine subjectivity' that describes itself as `cosmopolitan'; she points out that `[m]obility and control over mobility both reflect and reinforce power. Mobility is a resource to which not everyone has an equal relationship' (Skeggs, 2004, p.49; see also Morley, 2002; Sheller & Urry, 2006b). It is not a question of privileging a `mobile subjectivity', therefore, but rather of tracking the |
| [18] | This article has no associated abstract. ( fix it ) |
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| [20] | A central argument of much contemporary literature is that the advent of digital and mobile technologies creates new kinds of mobile lives, new socialities and new ways of relating to the self and others. In this paper I specifically examine how mobile lives unfold through social networks, facilitating the forming and reforming of connections people have with others, near and distant. I argue that movement itself is not so significant. Its importance rather stems from how it enables people to be connected with each other, to meet and to remeet over time and across space. Movement makes connections. These connections form patterns or networks, which many commentators see as the critical feature of contemporary life. Much travel thus involves making new connections and extending one’s network or sustaining one’s existing networks. |
| [21] | This paper develops a critical understanding of one of the key railway journeys in India, namely, the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway (DHR). Using the mobilities paradigm, this paper offers a cultural analysis of the ‘journey’ of the DHR: how it is instrumental in making travel experiences and how it is itself constituted through different embodied travel practices and performances. Different modes of travel involve contrasting experiences, performances and affordances. In this context, this paper explores the ‘hybrid geographies’ of the DHR as involving a complex relationality between the traveller and the mode of travel: how it incorporates different aspects of mobilities. What is significant is the relative slowness of the DHR and the ways in which it communicates a different sense of time, which also leads to a blurring between practices of walking and travelling on the train itself. The train itself is also conceptualised as playful, as it engages with the places it passes through. Drawing upon recent literature on landscape and visuality, the DHR is further explored in terms of its movement through and engagement with the landscapes of the Himalayas. |
| [22] | Mimi Schippers (2007) theorizes that hegemonic femininity operates in relation to and support of hegemonic masculinity. According to Schippers, hegemonic femininity is maintained by the containment of pariah femininities, gender non-conforming femininities that may contaminate the relationship between hegemonic masculinity and femininity. We extend Schippers' theory by analyzing the containment practices that are used to manage pariah femininities by examining the containment of lesbians in the sorority life of a liberal arts college in the USA. Using interviews and focus groups with sorority members, we demonstrate the way sorority members engage in subtle containment practices such as silencing to prevent lesbians from joining their sorority. |
| [23] | International tourism represents the apotheosis of consumer capitalism and Western modernity, based on an apparently seamless harmony between the free movement of people, merchandise and capital. However, as the growing insecurities engendered by the globalisation of terrorism and military interventionism, as well as targeted attacks on foreign tourists in certain parts of the world illustrate, the liberal calculus of unhindered mobility, political stability and the unfettered expansion of the market, which underpins the 'right' to travel, is, however, increasingly mediated by heightened concerns of risk and security. This paper will examine how the geopolitics of security and the neo-liberal expansion of the global market have begun to radically reshape the parameters of mobility and the environments in which tourism operates. In doing so, it analyses the manner in which international tourism has become intertwined with restricted notions of freedom associated with the intensification of market relations and consumerism upon which the expansion of contemporary tourist mobilities often depends. |
| [24] | This article investigates how young individuals access the regime of automobility. Instead of looking at the systemic nature of automobility, the article concentrates on its human component. Access to cars by young people in the greater Reykjav k area, and the shift in modal choice that occurs when they start driving, was investigated with a survey among high school students that yielded 553 answers. The results show that young residents in the capital area are fully aware of the costs of car-based automobility. Their near-universal move to cars when they enter driving age reflects the conditions of this regime. Yet they are also ambivalent about their position within the regime. While most previous studies of novice drivers have centred on road safety issues, this study shows the need to consider the cultural and social aspects of young people driving. This can lead to a deeper understanding of the modal shift that perpetuates car-based automobility, which is an important issue for transport planning.Research highlights? Young drivers approach car use and ownership from a practical perspective. ? They are also eager practitioners of car-based automobility. ? Novice drivers criticise their own car use within the regime of automobility. ? Their position as newcomers leads to a better understanding of automobility. ? They expose the social and cultural dynamics involved in the making of automobility. |
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| [26] | This paper defines mobility as the potential transport of humans and explores the mobility aspect of freedom. Freedom as mobility is composed both of opportunities to travel when and where one pleases and of the feasibility of the choice not to travel. The essay further analyses the implications for the idea of freedom as mobility of distinguishing between actual and potential travel. It is also shown how mobility as a right is challenged by a central feature of democracy – namely, respect for unanimity – and how tracks left by travellers can be exploited for surveillance and control. Moreover, mobility leads to a potential absence and thus uncertainty. The paper evaluates how alternative responses to this problem have widely different consequences for the experience of freedom as mobility. |
| [27] | . 文章梳理了流动性、认同与媒介研究等理论，搭建分析框架，选取众筹网站——“点名时间”中为实现背包旅游而发起筹集资金的4个项目，对4名“背包客”在网络中的资料进行了文本分析，并选择了目标受众进行深度访谈，从而兼顾自我认同和他人认同两方面内容。研究结果发现：网络“签名档”的描述有力凸显了流动性所代表的自由、独立意义；网络媒体制造了流动的“真实感”，为受众建立了视觉感知—共同在场—赋予意义的认同过程；网络跨越了地域、边界的限制，以“群体追梦”这种不受边界约束的基调进行情感呼吁，获得了被访者的高度认同。研究结论建议，应重视网络如何建构“背包客”的“流动性”并且使其获得认同,藉此加深理解流动性加剧的社会环境所引起的社会关系及社会心理变化。 文章梳理了流动性、认同与媒介研究等理论，搭建分析框架，选取众筹网站——“点名时间”中为实现背包旅游而发起筹集资金的4个项目，对4名“背包客”在网络中的资料进行了文本分析，并选择了目标受众进行深度访谈，从而兼顾自我认同和他人认同两方面内容。研究结果发现：网络“签名档”的描述有力凸显了流动性所代表的自由、独立意义；网络媒体制造了流动的“真实感”，为受众建立了视觉感知—共同在场—赋予意义的认同过程；网络跨越了地域、边界的限制，以“群体追梦”这种不受边界约束的基调进行情感呼吁，获得了被访者的高度认同。研究结论建议，应重视网络如何建构“背包客”的“流动性”并且使其获得认同,藉此加深理解流动性加剧的社会环境所引起的社会关系及社会心理变化。 |
| [28] | Abstract Tourists have long been neglected in the literature on home and mobility, although they constitute a massive mobile population within and across national borders. Addressing this gap, this paper advances geography's critical engagement with home in relation to mobility and modernity, and questions the binary distinction between home and unhomeliness in tourist mobility. It focuses on the alienation of Chinese modernity and how one group of domestic tourists negotiates this alienation through their imagination and consumption of home in a popular tourist site (i.e. Lijiang, a World Heritage site in Yunnan province) within the context of China's transformation, which started in 1978. This paper has two objectives. First, it examines why home is woven into the touristic imagination of Lijiang; and second, it links tourists' personal experiences with China's broad sociospatial transformation in order to explore individuals' resistance against and compliance with modernity. I argue that the imagination and consumption of home generates intensely contradictory configurations of struggle that simultaneously push tourists towards an ideal of home for inner freedom and premodern paradise, yet pull them back into the whirling vortex of odern life and commercial forces. The paper sheds light on micro-geographies of people's lives in the context of China's rapid transformation. |
| [29] | This paper critically examines the methods of transportation used by independent tourists and how importantly they value mobility throughout their journeys. While independent tourists are frequently identified as being adventurous and highly mobile, relatively few researchers have critically examined the modes of transport they use or the importance they play in enhancing and fulfilling their desired experiences. Indeed, most literature portrays independent tourists as habitual users of public transport as opposed to modes of personal transport. In this paper, the notion of automobility a combination of autonomous and self-directed movement is explored from the perspective of independent tourists in Norway. A multi-method qualitative study was undertaken which analysed the views of 38 independent tourists at eight different locations. The findings revealed that personal modes of transport were intrinsic features of the journeys undertaken and that they offered alternative sensory experiences in contrast to public transport. Moreover, for many independent tourists, autonomous journeys were considerably more important than the destinations they visited. Thus, for many independent tourists in Norway, demands for control, flexibility and adventure could only be satisfied by using particular modes of transport. |
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| [31] | La culture routière des voyageurs internationaux à long terme et à budget modeste. Le présent article décrit la subculture du voyageur international moderne qui a un petit budget. A travers des observations personnelles, des interviews et des questionnaires par correspondance, il surgit un portrait des individus qui ont fait partie de la “culture de la route” pendant un an ou plus. On soutient que ces voyageurs ne sont ni héroes ni déviants et qu'il n'est plus juste de les représenter comme des personnes hédonistes, anarchistes et sans but dans la vie. Le voyageur moyen préfere voyager seul, il a fait des études; il est Européen, de la classe moyenne, célibataire; il est à un moment de transition dans la vie, et il est obsédé par le problème de dépenser le moins possible. Beaucoup de ces voyageurs viennent de terminer leurs études et cherchent à remettre la transition aux responsibilités qu'on associe à l'09ge adulte dans la société occidentale, ou bien ils ont pris un congé entre deux emplois. On gagne du prestige en route en rencontrant des épreuves et des expériences nontouristiques, et en “en ayant pour son argent.” |
| [32] | In some forms of tourism, and perhaps particularly in the case of special interest tourism, it can be argued that tourism encounters are service relationships with emotional attachment through the special interest focus and a level of enduring involvement on the part of participants. This involvement is two-fold. First, an interest with the activity; second, a sharing with like-minded people in a social world that extends from home to tourist destination and return. Intimacies in tourism can thus be interpreted through the model of the relationship cycle that comprises the stages A, Aquaintance, B, Buildup, C, Continuation and D, Dissolution. The paper builds upon this concept by utilising ideas of other-centred and self-centredness in personal relationships, and extends the concept of other-centredness to host environments. It also suggests that, in the academic literature about place, location may be secondary in that the quality of experience is primarily determined by the intimacies that exist between people at that place, especially that existing between visitors. |
| [33] | Les vacances et le sentiment du bien-être. On a structuré cette étude pour déterminer si l’activité de prendre des vacances a un impact sur la satisfaction de la vie ou la perception de bien-être par ceux qui prennent des vacances. Les résultats indiquent que cette activité a changé le sentiment de bien-être de ceux qui partent en vacances. Une comparaison entre un groupe qui part en vacances et un groupe témoin qui ne prend pas de vacances a manifesté que le premier groupe avait un meilleur sens de bien-être avant et après leur voyage que le deuxième groupe. Bien que l’importance de l’effet soit relativement petite, l’évidence suggère que les vacances offrent la possibilité d’augmenter le niveau de bonheur de ceux qui en profitent et ne font pas que les individus se sentent moins bien qu’avant de partir. |
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| [35] | A study was undertaken at the eight Parliament Houses of Australia in relation to tourism practices at the Parliaments and views of employees and policy makers to these practices. Specifically the concept of charging fees was addressed and differences were found between the views of the senior employees and those of the politicians with direct control over this policy. Evidence from other heritage sites indicates that the lack of fees is a justifiable position. |
| [36] | The content of geography lessons has become a pressing issue in geography education. Recent criticisms of the quality of geography education in schools have focused attention on what geography we should be teaching young people, and on how teachers construct the geography curriculum. Morgan and Lambert (2005) emphasise that lesson planning should be an intellectual task that begins with fundamental questions about the nature of school geography. This article critically analyses the geographical knowledge presented in three geography lessons observed as part of the external examination of a PGCE course. The article questions what students have learnt about geography from these lessons and challenges initial teacher education to address issues of ill-conceived school geography. |
| [37] | This paper is an attempt to describe the nature of a new calculative background that is currently coming into existence, a background that will both guide and constitute what counts as ‘thinking’. It begins by providing a capsule history of how this background has become a more and more pervasive quality of Euro-American cultures as a result of the rise of ‘qualculation’. It then moves on to consider how this qualculative background is producing new apprehensions of space and time before ending by considering how new kinds of sensorium may now be becoming possible. In this final section, I illustrate my argument by considering the changing presence of the hand, co-ordinate systems and language, thereby attempting to conjure up the lineaments of a new kind of movement-space. |
| [38] | Drawing on accounts of travelling within London, this article explores the ways in which mobility discourses are tied to the responsibilities of 'a good citizen' and suggests that car-dominated automobility has been significantly fractured, at least in one urban setting. A consensus hierarchy of transport modes now configures driving as immoral, as well as dysfunctional, and cycling, in contrast, as particularly laudable. Within this new moral economy of transport, cycling holds the promise of conscientious automobility, enabling a number of explicit and implied citizenship responsibilities to be met. These include ecological responsibilities to the city and global ecosystem, but also responsibilities to enact the 'new citizen': a knowledgeable and alert risk-assessor competent to travel in ways that maximize independence, efficiency and health. However, cycling has its own contradictions: whilst enabling some to enact a new 'moral' citizenship, it simultaneously underlines the marginal citizenship of less mobile Londoners. |
| [39] | The paper examines Copenhagen cycle policy, showing cycle mobility to be an everyday form of urban mobility that has appeal for a wide range of citizens and which is as significant for urban life as automobility. Using a framework of governmentality, mobile subjects and borderwork, the study shows that the policies of socially inclusive cycle track systems add to urban borderwork. Articulations of a cycle-dependent Copenhagen identity and the array of expected needs and desires, wants, practices and behaviours connected to different categories of cycling Copenhageners embedded in policies and manifest in the design of green cycle tracks and of cycle super highways add to the creation of boundaries in the city. |
| [40] | Tourism is commonly understood as an exception or special time, a period when the normal everyday constraints are suspended: tourists are temporarily immersed in spaces of difference, free from the bounds of home and work, and may transgress their ordinary ‘appropriate’ performances. This article questions the extent to which much mass tourism is ‘extraordinary’, suggesting instead that it is more typically associated with habitual routine, cultural conventions and normative performances which circumscribe what should be gazed upon and visited, and modes of touristic comportment and recording. These conventions are also managed by the directors of the tourist product and encouraged by the production of distinct, serial forms of tourist space in which cultural differences are tamed for easy consumption. The paper argues that such forms of performance and their staging are designed to maximize comfort, a touristic desire that should not necessarily be the focus of critical scorn. On the other hand, so managed can the tourist experience become, that there are frequent attempts—often thwarted—to escape the tourist enclaves and schedules and become more closely acquainted with difference. Tourism then, because it is not separate from the quotidian, is an exemplary site for an exploration of the ways in which the everyday is replete with unreflexive practice and habit but simultaneously provokes desires for unconfined alterity. |
| [41] | This paper uses in-depth interview data from Cambridge, England, to discuss the concept of the ‘cycling citizen’, exploring how, within heavily-motorised countries, the practice of cycling might affect perceptions of the self in relation to natural and social environments. Participants portrayed cycling as a practice traversing independence and interdependence, its mix of benefits for the individual and the collective making it an appropriate response to contemporary social problems. In this paper I describe how this can be interpreted as based on a specific notion of cycling citizenship rooted in the embodied practice of cycling in Cambridge (a relatively high cycling enclave within the low-cycling UK). This notion of cycling citizenship does not dictate political persuasion, but carries a distinctive perspective on the proper relation of the individual to their environment, privileging views ‘from outside’ the motor-car. |
| [42] | This paper concerns how claims to public space are negotiated between differently embodied subjects, and how forms of bodily articulation shape capacities for sharing space. Drawing on a study of outdoor access practices, entailing mobile video ethnographies with walkers and cyclists, it explores the corporeal mechanisms through which the entitlements of differently mobile subjects are asserted, resisted, circumscribed or accepted in the time-spaces of bodily encounter. How the signalling of ‘responsible’ and ‘irresponsible’ conduct influences how bodies are allowed to move in relation to other bodies is the focus. Mobilisations of speed, affective and sensory attunement, and techniques of bodily articulation, were found to be a key in the disciplining of cycling and walking bodies. This paper highlights the central role of attunement to, and concession of, hybrid subjectivity in the choreography of encounters, and, moreover, how related burdens of orchestrating coexistence are shared and struggled over amongst different publics. It demonstrates that whilst greater attunement can enable differently mobile subjects to develop a reciprocal choreography, expectations of such attunement can also undermine the ability to share space if not met. This paper thus raises the dilemma of when to accept or extend the limits of attunement in facilitating coexistence in public space. |
| [43] | Abstract This article explores some of the methodological and ethical issues that arise when undertaking ethnographic research into the governing bodies of world sport. Drawing on the author's own attempts to penetrate the operations of La Société du Tour de France, this article presents two positions (i) that increasing attention should be paid to the role of the cultural broker in examining the institutional power exerted by the sporting and administrative elites of world sport and (ii) that researching sporting elites calls for a certain methodological ingenuity in order to gain and sustain access to a research site. The closed, exclusive nature of organizations such as La Société du Tour de France presents a number of challenges for anthropological and sociological inquiries into the elite bodies of world sport. |
| [44] | In this paper I explore the notion that our movements in and through a place define our engagement with it and help to constitute it as a place. Concepts and concomitant interpretations of place as a ‘situated’ and contemplative experience have to date received much cultural geographical attention. In increasingly mobile societies, however, I argue that mobility should be central to the ways in which we conceptualise and understand the character and meanings of different spaces and places. Although geographical exploration has begun concerning the politics and power relations of the mobile subject, little attention has yet been paid to the experiences and spatialities generative of the body-subject in mobility. Whilst acknowledging the importance of representations in directing action, I strategically emphasise and explore the notion that we create meaning and belong in a place according to how we are in a place. Drawing upon ethnographic work with racing and touring cyclists in the United Kingdom and France, I consider how the conjoining of the person and bike and the resulting embodied rhythms and kinaesthetic sensations of the movement of cycling are constitutive of the character and meanings of particular places. Ultimately, in this paper I point to an understanding of the kinaesthetic and sensuous experiences of the hybrid subject – object (in this instance ‘the cyclist’) as fundamental in rethinking how people live, feel, and ultimately create meaningful spatial relations. |
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| [46] | This article focuses on a theoretical discussion about the interrelations between global hypermobility and subjectivity formation. Based on ethnographic fieldwork among expatriates that circulate through global circuits of countercultural lifestyle, the study initially evinces the cultural and conceptual significance of global nomadism. It then detects conceptual limitations for the investigation of fluidic and metamorphic formations in global studies. Through a dialogue between the anthropology of nomadism and philosophy of nomadology, the article then seeks to integrate tropes of fluidity, rootlessness and aesthetic reflexivity into an ideal‐type of postidentitarian mobility (neo‐nomadism), a device for investigating the cultural effects of hypermobility on self, identity and sociality. It includes methodological notes on nomadic ethnography. The article concludes that the neo‐nomad is both a phenomenon and a concept that allows us to rethink models of subjectivity formation in globalization. |
| [47] | ABSTRACT In this paper, I explore automobility as the dominant type of contemporary everyday mobility. I critically review recent attempts to conceptualise the social role of cars and subsequently suggest a three-dimensional model to theorise automobility further as a modern mobility paradigm. This theory of automobility assigns central importance to the subjects, the vehicles, and the spatiotemporalities that are involved in, and produced by, the car-system. For the purpose of outlining the content and internal dependencies of this three-dimensional model, I make use of theoretical assumptions gleaned from transport geography, modernisation theory, as well as the sociology of technology. Furthermore, I argue that a somewhat orthodox form of automobilisation has become reflexive in the course of a growing public recognition of the inherent threats of the car to culture and nature. Under reflexive automobilisation almost all 'auto-subjects' are engaged in defining, interpreting, and responding to 'auto-risks'. They do not necessarily do this, however, in a self-critical fashion. Instead of fostering the rise of a different, postautomotive mobility paradigm, their responses often merely lead to a reproduction of traditional 'auto-scapes'. |
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| [49] | The paper explores the design of tourism bus networks at destinations. It analyzes the findings from indepth interviews with 51 practitioners currently involved in the provision of buses for tourism purposes in the United Kingdom. The study suggests that a more comprehensive approach to such buses needs to be grounded in market understanding and accounting for the differences between utility and recreational trips. It argues that the tourist seeks a tourism experience and that this should be integral to the design of bus provision in order to encourage a modal shift from the private car. A model derived from the review of the literature and fieldwork is presented. |
| [50] | This article introduces a collection of methodological reflections on mobilities research, and additionally discusses the general status of methodology in the scholarship. Fast advancements on empirical and conceptual levels of mobilities studies have not been equivalently matched by efforts on the methodological front. While microsociological and phenomenological approaches are predominant in the scholarship, large‐scale studies on mobility tend not to systematically analyse research frameworks used in the process of knowledge production. The articles featured in this special section examine some of the methodological challenges and innovations arising within several topical strains of mobilities studies. This introductory article argues that multi‐scalar and critical methodologies are necessary for further expanding the analytical and interventional possibilities of a mobilities research agenda. |
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| [52] | The current text locates the anthropological study of roads within the wider context of studies on mobility and modernity. Besides introducing the articles of this special issue of Mobilities on roads and anthropology, this introduction also addresses some of the broader theoretical and epistemological implications of the anthropological perspective on roads, space, time and (im)mobility. |
| [53] | Destinations are more likely to be successful if they recognize the experiential qualities of their offerings. However, with some exceptions, research into the emotional content of the destination experience remains largely underexplored. This current research addresses this lacuna and empirically investigates the dimensions of tourists' emotional experiences toward hedonic holiday destinations... |
