香港中文大学地理与资源管理学系,香港亚太研究所城市与区域发展研究中心,中国香港
Migration, floating population and urbanization in China: Realities, theories, and strategies
SHENJianfa收稿日期:2018-07-11
修回日期:2018-10-23
网络出版日期:2019-01-20
版权声明:2019《地理研究》编辑部《地理研究》编辑部 所有
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1 引言
中国经过近30年的滞后城市化[1],自1980年代初开始城市化过程加速进行,大量人口由农村流入城镇[2,3,4,5]。根据联合国报告,中国和印度将是2014-2050年间城市人口增长的主要来源地[6]。世界城市人口将增加25亿,包括来自中国的2.92亿人（11.7%）和来自印度的4.04亿人（16.2%）。根据中国的人口普查,1982-2010年城市人口大幅增加超过二倍,从1982年的2.11亿人急增至2010年的6.66亿人[7]。与其他国家不同的是,因为独特的户口制度,中国的城市人口包括三部分,分别是本地人口（在早年可分为有本地户口的非农人口和农业人口）、永久移民（已有本地户口）和流动人口（没有本地户口）[8]。按人口普查关于城市人口的定义,流动人口是城市人口和常住居民增长的主要来源,这成为近期中国高速城市化的显著特征。
在户口制度之下,中国在改革开放以前出现了城乡分隔的二元社会,农村至城市的人口迁移非常有限[9]。城乡关系不平等、工业化和城市发展建设基于工业产品和农业产品计划价格之间的剪刀差。当农村移民被容许迁入城市成为流动人口,城乡不平等关系演变成城市中拥有本地户口的居民与没有本地户口的流动人口的不平等关系。因此目前中国的城市化是不完全和排斥性的。
中国要实现很高的完全的城市化水平,必须关注三个重要方面,包括常规的城乡迁移、城市对流动人口的融合与包容以及城市边缘区的城乡一体化。要实现可持续的城市化,建立具有效率和高宜居度的城市系统,需要系统化和可持续的方法。
2 中国人口迁移,流动人口与城市化： 现实与研究进展
与国外的国际移民相似,来自中国农村的流动人口在中国城市面对不少劣势,包括制度障碍（没有当地户口）、社会歧视和低教育水平（通常是小学和初中教育程度）。流动人口面临收入低、个人风险高、社会保障差、得到教育和社会保障房及基本公共卫生等公共服务机会不高、法律保护不足等一系列问题[10]。上述问题的严重程度已成为社会抗议与上访活动的主要原因。学术界对增加国内移民的权利和成为在迁入城市享有所有权利的“城市公民”有深入讨论[11]。Wang等认为[12],尽管制度障碍可能会随着时间的推移而减少,但更为微妙的以文化歧视形式出现的社会障碍将持续存在。其中一个焦点是流动人口在城市劳动力市场的表现和社会地位[13,14]。基于不同群体的流动人口的案例研究要么反映一群富有的移民群体,要么反映一群挣扎求存的穷困移民的情况[15,16]。暂住人口的社会和经济地位经常与永久移民或当地人口相比较[12,17]。Sun等[18]的研究显示从1990-2000年跨省永久移民与流动人口之间的差距扩大了。暂住人口身份被认为是歧视农民工的主要原因[12,14,19]。经济危机期间,部分流动人口失业并返回乡间[20]。
住房市场的表现是融合的一个重要方面。Wu研究了中国影响移民住房条件的制度和社会经济因素[21]。她发现收入和教育等与市场有关的因素有显著的正向影响,但与户口制度有关的制度限制抵销了社会经济因素的综合影响。Wu亦发现,即使已迁移到城市很长一段的时间,大多数移民仍然是租房居住,他们对改善住房条件投入很少[22]。研究发现许多农民工居住在城中村和城市边缘区,形成社会和空间分隔[23,24,25,26]。
一些研究比较了新旧移民的社会经济地位。Zhu等研究了新一代移民及其与第一代移民的异同[27]。他们确认了文献中第一代和第二代移民差异的一些共识,但认为两代移民在社会经济地位和融入迁入城市方面还是存在一些相似之处。他们认为,城乡差距的存在和劳动密集型产业的主导地位,限制了中国移民实现根本性的代际转型。
Wang等发现,农民工与当地居民在工业和职业构成、生活条件和收入等方面存在明显的差别,农民工远未融入城市[12]。这与移民开始时付出很高代价、但随后逐渐融入城市社会的假设不一致。
中国的快速城市化是由非正规城市化过程中暂住人口的增长所推动的。简单而言,非农业人口的增长可以被称为正式的城市化过程,而农业人口的增长可以被称为非正式的城市化过程[4,28,29]。
根据人口普查数据估算,1982-2010年城市非农业人口增长了147.3%。同中国城市人口总量的增长同步,正式的城市化过程表现强劲。城市的非农业人口总数从1982年的1.45亿增加到2010年的3.58亿[4,30]。城市户口人口和暂住人口的增长也可以分别反映正式和非正式的城市化。暂住人口从1982年的657万增加到1990年的3963万、2000年的1.45亿（包括来自同区的3538万人）和2010年为2.61亿（包括来自同区的3996万）[30,31]。
表1显示了2010年人口普查按行政区（乡、镇、街道）划分的城市（市区和镇区）和农村的暂住人口、户籍人口以及总人口分布的详细资料。2010年城市地区居住了85.60%的暂住人口（2.26亿）。在6.70亿城市人口中,4.44亿拥有当地城市户口（接近城市非农业人口3.58亿人的数字）。
Tab. 1
表 1
表 12010年中国城市及农村地区的暂住人口、户藉人口和总人口
Tab. 1Temporary population, hukou population and total population in urban and rural areas of China in 2010
（百万人）
| 地区种类 | 全国 | 市区 | 镇区 | 城市 | 农村 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 暂住人口(按行政区种类) | |||||
| 乡 | 58.75 | 34.40 | 15.04 | 49.28 | 9.54 |
| 镇居委会 | 29.29 | 17.65 | 8.51 | 26.05 | 3.21 |
| 镇村委会 | 105.60 | 61.16 | 26.52 | 87.41 | 18.39 |
| 街道 | 67.30 | 57.26 | 5.42 | 63.22 | 3.84 |
| 总暂住人口 | 260.94 | 170.47 | 55.49 | 225.96 | 34.98 |
| 户藉人口 | 1071.87 | 233.30 | 210.75 | 444.04 | 627.83 |
| 总人口 | 1332.81 | 403.77 | 266.24 | 669.90 | 662.81 |
| 暂住人口比例(%) | 19.58 | 42.22 | 20.85 | 33.73 | 5.28 |
新窗口打开
在改革时期,非正式的城市化进程,即暂住人口的增加是非常显著的。2010年,城市暂住人口共计2.26亿人。来自同一个县、市和市区的暂住人口为7904万人,来自省内其他县、市和市区的达到7533万人,来自其他省份的达到7159万人。2010年北京的城市暂住人口为967万人、上海为1150万人、广东为3372万人。这三个地区的暂住人口占城市总人口48%以上。这批已登记的暂住人口的规模是巨大的,任何迁移和人口管理政策首先要针对这批人口。
根据1995年1%人口抽样调查和2010年人口普查[30,32],城市地区人均建筑面积从1995年的19.19 m2增加到2010年的32.74 m2。2010年人口普查也显示了中国城市住房短缺程度和住房质量。6.82%的家庭的人均建筑面积不到8 m2。9.97%的家庭没有厨房、15.63%的家庭没有厕所、13.35%的家庭没有自来水。这些数据表明,中国很大一部分的城市居民没有厨房、厕所和自来水等基本住房设施;有必要提高城市住房和公用设施供水的标准,尤其是对那些处于弱势和贫穷的城市居民。
鉴于中国城市常住居民的住房条件不足,可以预期城市暂住居民的住房条件会更差。2010年数据显示53.57%的暂住人口居住在租赁房屋、24.81%居住在单位内部、7.71%居住在工地现场,以及7.28%居住在当地居民家中[33]。从事商业和服务业的暂住人口的收入较高,当中超过59%的人居住在租赁房屋。工地现场的住宿是暂时性的,只能提供一个有铺盖但没有其他设施的住所。对于那些住在单位内部、居民家中和租赁房屋的人来说,居住环境拥挤也非罕见,有可能要几个人共用一个房间[16]。
3 中国人口迁移,流动人口与城市化： 理论与对策
3.1 双轨城市化理论模式
改革前受控制的城市化对改革时期的城市化有重大影响,在新的市场经济中出现了双轨城市化的新模式：国家主导的城市化和自发性城市化[34,35]。国家主导城市化用城镇户口（非农业）人口的增长表示。自发性城市化,是指城镇农业人口（无城镇户口）的增加;量度这一城市化方式的进展并不容易。一般来说,乡镇企业的就业情况可以代表农村城市化的趋势。暂住人口向城市的迁移构成另一股自发性城市化。户口制度于1958年推行,直至1978年都被认为是计划经济的有效手段。改革前的城市化主要是国家计划的结果。单轨的国家主导的城市化成为这一时期中国城市化的模式。由于国家同时是城市经济和城市建设的主要投资者,改革前城市化的模式也被称为“自上而下城市化”。它在改革时期被“自下而上城市化”取代。地方政府、私营机构和外商成为重要的参与者。但国家优惠与福利仍偏向城镇户口（非农业）人口,虽然程度比改革时期有所减少。
经济改革和对外开放政策于1978年推行。农村地区出现大量剩余劳动力。农村工业化成为农村城市化的主要推动力,为农民提供一种新型的自发性城市化道路。最活跃的城市化发生在如下农村地区。在这里市集转变成城市中心,村民由村向镇迁移,就业也从农业转为非农业。这种城市化被称为“自下而上城市化”。但自发性城市化的方式,即拥有农业户口市镇人口的增长,也包括暂住人口向城市的迁移。
由1985年开始,大部分入城的农村移民均可登记为城市地区的暂住人口。这构成自发性城市化一个重要的部分,使城市人口通过农业人口的增长而增加。
作为暂住人口的移民不被当作普通的城市居民。他们成为一群特别的非本地居民,在劳动就业、房屋、医疗服务、教育和福利保障方面的权利很少。根据政治经济学的观点,如此分割的城市社会形成不只是市场经济下一种自然的城市过程的结果。更确切地说,是中国政治经济特定的组合决定了迁移、劳动市场和政府政策。除了国家政策,雇主和农村移民是自发性城市化的根本力量,尤其是暂住人口的迁移。
国家主导的城市化在改革时期有一定的改变。第一,出现了积极推进城市化的体制,经济发展令国家能够支撑更多非农业人口。第二,城市经济亦在改变。私营机构或外商投资企业聘请了很多非农业人口,许多国营企业也经过改革成为独立公司或私有化。第三,城市改革令国家提供给城市非农业人口的利益减少。“铁饭碗”被打破,不再确保就业。所以,国家放宽了对非农业人口数量的控制,国家主导的城市化在改革时期快速进行。
3.2 移民融合理论
指同化的融合。在讨论国际移民与迁入地社会的关系中,融合是一个重要概念[13]。这一概念也可应用到城市内的移民。Park等[36]将融合定义为“个人和团体获取其他人和团体的记忆、情感及态度的相互渗透和合成的过程;并通过分享他们的经验和历史,融入共同文化生活中”。因此,融合的早期概念等同同化。Alba等[37]认为随着时间的推移,移民会在经济、社会和文化上被迁入地的社会同化。多元文化主义。这是不同于同化过程的一个框架。主要描述少数群体,包括移民,如何连续数代人维持他们的族群身份[38,39]。
广义的社会融合是指移民个体被接纳到迁入的社会的核心制度内,包括结构、文化、互动和身份融合方面[40]。一般来说,主要有三种融合,分别是经济、社会和文化以及身份融合。社会/文化融合和身份融合与同化相近。
狭义社会/文化融合指移民采用迁入地社会的习俗、社会规范、社会关系和习惯的程度。社会融合可以缩短群体之间的社会距离。社会/文化融合的最常用的指标包括社会交际、语言和通婚[41]。
身份融合表现为少数群体失去他们原有的文化/族群身份并接受迁入地社会的优势群体的身份[42]。
经济融合亦称作结构性融合。它指移民的经济地位达到了迁入地社会当地人的平均或平均以上水平,经常以教育、职业和收入作为指标[43]。经济融合非常重要,因为它创造了有利于其他形式融合的社会条件[37]。经济趋同是融合最重要的一步,而且是达到文化和结构融合的关键[44]。
不少研究关注移民在劳动力市场的结构性融合。在解答移民的美国劳动力市场经验的回报是否超过当地工人回报的问题上,Borjas发现移民人口的同化或适应程度相对较低[45]。迁入时间长短被认为是影响收入水平和经济融合的一个重要因素。
移民融入所迁入的社会是研究的主要焦点之一,尤其是经典或多元文化框架下的国际移民研究[13,46]。融合的程度取决于移民的积极参与和迁入地政府的移民政策和当地社会对移民的接受程度。在欧洲,随着欧盟的扩大,近年来对移民的反响不断增加[47]。有研究怀疑荷兰的多元文化政策正在向同化政策转变[40]。
3.3 劳动力市场分割理论
关于移民和后来的劳动力市场分割的结构性观点[48,49,50],旨在将迁移置于更广泛的制度和市场过程中。资本主义社会的实证研究发现,移民、妇女和少数民族等边缘人口群体往往在全面投入劳动力市场上面临制度性制约,因此更有可能进入非正式/次要部门[50,51]。虽然大多数研究集中在资本主义经济上,这些研究中得出的分析视角也有助于阐明中国等转型中社会主义经济体的移民情况[11,52-55]。中国资本积累的一般情况可能是解释性背景的一部分,但更重要的是流动人口作为外来者、农村出身、教育水平较低和没有本地户口的特殊身份和状态[56]。他们特别容易被雇主剥削,而且由于他们暂住人口的身份而无法与其他劳工同处社会保障网之内。可以说,户口身份和户口状态一起导致中国暂住人口较差的地位。Fan认为,在这种情况下,国家制度加深（而不是改善）了劳动力市场分割理论所提出的分化效应[14]。
3.4 户口制度和农民工流动的结果
作为没有本地户口的外来者,暂住人口面临明显且系统性的歧视和不公平待遇。图1通过一个概念框架展示这些因素如何导致暂住人口所面临的问题。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图1中国流动人口问题成因的概念框架
-->Fig. 1A conceptual framework of the causes of the problems of temporary population in China
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以前的研究关注企业对暂住人口的不当行为和政府对相关情况的忽视[10,57]。在户口状态对移民的影响研究中,暂住人口被视为一个同质群体,而暂住身份被认为是他们受歧视的主要原因[14,12,19]。在目前的户口制度下、并考虑到中国城乡平均教育水平的不同,可以认为迁移是受到多种因素的影响[56]。
首先,有农业或非农业户口身份的人有不同的永久性迁移机会,因此有不同的临时迁移倾向;亦可预期农业人口更有可能成为流动人口。其次,受教育程度不同的群体可能有不同的移民结果。观察到的永久性迁移和临时迁移的差异可能部分与教育水平的差异有关。第三,农村移民通常受教育程度低,这也会影响移民的结果。第四,暂住人口的户口限制只对来自其他城市的暂住人口有效。来自同一城市但不在户口登记地居住的人不会失去其城市户口的社会福利。这种临时迁移和永久性迁移之间的差异极小。由于较紧密的网络和社会关系,来自同一个县或省的移民可比外省移民获得更好的迁移结果。可以预期地理距离会对迁移产生影响。最后,迁移结果与教育水平、户口类别和户口状态之间存在着复杂的关系,在控制其他因素下评估各个因素的影响是非常重要的。
政府和企业也要对暂住人口面对的问题负责。首先,政府与户口制度有直接的关系。其次,政府可能会对地方政府和企业对流动人口的待遇设定较低的要求。第三,即使有很高的要求,也可能没有严格执行,因而导致诸如火灾等严重的居民区与工业事故。第四,企业必须对在原始资本积累模式下因追逐利益而作出的违法行为负责。暂住人口的问题在很大程度上与政治经济和城市管治有重大关系。如果政府、企业和当地居民关心暂住人口的福利和生活条件,这些问题都是可以解决的。
3.5 新型可持续城市化的区域人地共生系统方法
城市化和城乡一体化是一个深远的过程,将显著影响全球、国家、区域和地方系统。世界各国,无论是发达国家和发展中国家都面临社会二极化、城市贫困、社会和空间分隔等严重问题。西方****已开始对资本主义制度重新进行系统分析,以找出问题根源与解决方法[58]。各个学科已经从不同侧重点对城市化与城乡一体化进行研究。即使在地理学内,各分支学科和不同背景的****也采用不同的方法,针对流动人口、土地利用、城中村、新市镇、交通、住房、城市规划和城市治理等不同课题进行研究。这些研究对于解决各种问题的价值是肯定的,但是目前的研究缺乏系统的和综合的解决方案,应该采用系统方法研究城市化与城乡一体化问题。著名生态学家马世骏先生20世纪80年代就提出“生态系统工程”概念以及“社会-经济-自然复合生态系统”理论。与此同时,著名科学家钱学森也提出“地球表层系统”的概念[59]。本文提出区域人地共生系统方法,强调研究各种系统和子系统逻辑的是重要性。首先,可以根据不同的尺度来定义空间系统。有地球系统、超国家系统（如东亚系统）、国家系统、区域系统、城市系统、镇系统和村系统。不同尺度的系统是互相关联的。系统方法正是将这些系统联系在一起,从而协助解决特定尺度系统的问题。就城市化和城乡一体化的大多数问题而言,相关的是国家系统、区域系统、城市系统、镇系统和村系统。以下讨论以城市系统为例。
其次,城市尺度的城市系统通常由若干硬系统和软系统组成。硬系统包括环境系统、生物系统、基础设施系统、生活系统、人口系统和生产系统。环境系统（如土地,空气和水）和生物系统（如植物和动物）是较易受城市化过程影响的自然系统,因此需要采取保护措施确保生态系统的可持续发展。基础设施系统（如燃气和电力供应、港口、机场、公路、铁路和地铁线路）和生活系统（如食物供应、住房、医疗服务和公共空间）主要是人造的系统,以支持人口和生产系统的流动、生活与运作。人口系统中的人是消费者、居民和劳动者,他们负责人口的生产和再生产。他们是满足人民需求和实现高生活质量的最终目标。生产系统是指在空间上组织起来并用于经济活动的工厂和办公楼。需要对如何以最少的资源建设最优和最具效率的生产系统、基础设施系统和生活系统而对环境系统和生物系统产生最小影响开展更多的研究。
包括经济、金融、社会/文化和政治/管治系统等在内的软系统对于人类社会也是非常重要的。经济系统在实体的生产系统之上运作,并决定了城市居民的收入、就业和财富分配。它通过贸易和资本流动与外部经济联系起来。通过股票市场、资本投资、资本流动、集资、财富管理、保险、利率和汇率等支持经济系统的运行,金融系统的重要性日益增加。经济和金融系统共同决定了城市居民的收入、财富和分配。
社会/文化系统对城市居民的社会文化活动和生活具有重要意义。它决定着社会和文化层面的生活质量,并由经济系统支持。政治/管治系统对于确保政治权力的公平和公正分配以及社会/文化和经济/金融系统的规则极为重要。政治/管治系统的健康运行影响经济系统的有效运行和居民的生活质量。公开、公正和透明的政治/管治系统对城市系统的可持续性至关重要。
显而易见,上述硬系统和软系统是相互关联和相互影响的。需要对这些系统的高效、有效和可持续的组织、建设和运行进行系统性的研究,且同时考虑到上下尺度的系统。上述方法可应用于各种尺度的人与自然共生系统的规划、发展、建设和扩展。
对于中国面临的不完全或排斥性的城市化问题,可以从4方面入手解决：加强对流动人口、农村人口、贫困人口的教育与培训,提高他们在劳动力市场的竞争能力;进一步改革户口制度,逐步取消户口带来的障碍和歧视,促进城市与社会和谐;调节经济系统与劳动力市场,使劳动力收入分配合理化、资本与劳动力回报合理化,比如规定最长工作时间、最低工资;建立有效的生活保障系统,使教育、医疗、住房、养老能有效覆盖所有人口,由政府提供最低保障,由市场提供额外的服务。随着人工智能、机器人、互联网的发展,生产率空前提高而劳动力需求下降,上述各项制度变得更加重要,以达到包容性发展、共享经济发展成果,避免出现边缘人群与贫民窟等边缘社区。
4 可持续社区： 香港实例
香港有一个有效的城市规划制度。本文以香港的实例,展示怎样规划和发展一个可持续发展社区,以满足现代城市的城市居民不断上升的期望和要求。马鞍山是香港沙田区的一个新市镇。这个新市镇自20世纪90年代初开始建设,至2011年差不多完成了所有的发展。马鞍山总面积819 hm2。按人口普查数据,当地人口从1986年的13.8万人增加到2011年的20.2万人。马鞍山居民以华人为主,占95.4%。有8877人为印尼人、菲律宾人与印度人。1343人来自西方、日本等其他国家。马鞍山居民收入差别很大,月收入在一万港币以下的工作人口占33.27%,月收入在三万港币以上的工作人口占17.87%[60]。
香港有一个大规模的资助房屋与公营房屋计划,大约一半人口居于资助自置居所房屋与公营租住房屋,大大减轻了低收入人口的住房压力。马鞍山处于不同收入水平的公屋人口和私人楼宇人口在区内相对平衡。区内有75439人住在私人永久性房屋、93292人住在资助自置居所房屋、28935人住在公营租住房屋[54]。根据香港特区政府政策,从内地或其他国家来的移民在住满7年成为永久居民以后才有资格申请资助房屋与公营房屋,并有严格的收入审查制度。非永久居民与永久居民基本享受相同的其他待遇。外来人口与本地人口基本可以融合发展。同香港整体情况一样,不排除有一些歧视移民的情况,应该不普遍[61]。
劳动力参与率为63.7%。大部分就业人口从事服务业,其中进出口、批发和零售业25491人;公共行政、教育、人类医疗保健及社工活动12493人;地产、专业及商用服务业12943人;杂项社会及个人服务11523人;运输、仓库、邮政及速递服务业9204人。由于香港是一个先进的服务中心,马鞍山只有5114人从事制造业工作。此外,由于马鞍山是个规划出来的新市镇,区内的经济活动并不多;只有7563人在马鞍山及附近沙田区工作。超过88.3%的在职人士跨区工作。约有5193人在香港以外工作。
马鞍山铁路全长11.4 km,总投资额140亿港元（其中政府资金80亿港元）。2001年开工建设,并于2004年12月21日投入运营,服务人口约为48万人。它将马鞍山至大围的行程时间减至15分钟,至尖沙咀东的行程时间减至30分钟。
马鞍山是一个精心设计的新市镇,拥有各种购物和服务设施。在市中心有中央公园、图书馆、游泳池和三个大型购物中心,即马鞍山广场、马鞍山中心和新港城中心（图2）。这些购物中心通过天桥连接到马鞍山港铁站,方便居民和购物者安全便利地穿梭。便利的购物和公共服务设施,加上完善的公共交通系统,使马鞍山成为一个宜居的地方。马鞍山也有一个宜人的居住环境。除马鞍山公园外,大部分住宅楼宇面向吐露港。吐露港沿岸的滨水地区已被开发为海滨走廊,供步行和骑单车等消闲之用（图3）。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图2谷哥地球上的马鞍山市中心鸟瞰图
-->Fig. 2Ma On Shan town center on Google Earth
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显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图3马鞍山新市镇的海滨走廊
-->Fig. 3Waterfront area in Ma On Shan new town
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5 结论
20世纪80年代初,中国城市化过程加快,大量移民自农村流入[2,4]。改革前的城乡不平等关系已演变成转移到城市中地区内拥有本地户口的居民与没有本地户口的流动人口的不平等关系。因此目前中国的城市化可以说是不完全和排斥性不包容的城市化。要达到完全的城市化,必须关注三个重要方面,包括常规的城乡迁移、城市对流动人口的融合与包容,以及在城市边缘区的城乡一体化。本文评估了中国城市流动人口的实际情况。2010年85.60%暂住人口（2.26亿）居住在城市;66.27%的城市人口拥有本地户口。北京、上海和广东的暂住人口超过48%。2010年,中国有9.97%的家庭没有厨房、15.63%的家庭没有厕所、13.35%的家庭没有自来水。居住于单位内部的暂住人口占24.81%、居住于工地现场的占7.71%。
本文在户口制度背景下,探讨了中国城市化的基本理论和城市流动人口城市融合的理论。在新的市场经济中出现了双轨城市化的新模式：国家主导的城市化和自发性城市化[34,35]。国家主导城市化用城镇户口（非农业）人口的增长表示。自发性城市化,是指城镇农业人口（无城镇户口）的增加。中国政治经济特定的组合决定了迁移、劳动力市场和政府政策。除了国家政策,雇主和农村移民是自发性城市化的根本力量,尤其是暂住人口的迁移。国家主导的城市化在改革时期也快速进行。
融合的早期概念等同同化。狭义的社会/文化融合是指移民接受迁入地社会的习俗、社会规范、社会关系和习惯的程度。经济融合是指相对于迁入地社会当地人来说,移民达到平均或高于平均水平的经济地位[18]。融合的程度取决于移民的积极参与和迁入地政府的移民政策和当地社会对移民的接受程度。
另一方面,制度约束可能导致劳动力市场分割。流动人口作为外来者、农村出身、文化程度低和没有本地户口的特殊地位[56],导致了中国暂住人口较差的地位。政府和企业也要对暂住人口面对的问题负责。本文通过一个概念框架说明这些因素如何导致了中国暂住人口所面临的问题。
本文认为应该采用系统方法研究城市化与城乡一体化问题。空间系统可以根据不同的尺度来定义。城市系统通常由若干硬系统和软系统组成。硬系统和软系统是相互关联和相互影响的。需要对这些系统的高效、有效和可持续的组织、建设和运行进行系统性的研究,且必须同时考虑到上下尺度的系统。该方法可应用于各种尺度的人与自然共生系统的规划、发展、建设和扩展。
以香港的马鞍山新市镇为例,展示怎样规划和发展一个可持续发展的社区,以满足现代城市的城市居民不断上升的期望和要求。马鞍山居民收入差别很大。但是大规模的资助房屋与公营房屋计划,大大减轻了低收入人口的住房压力。便利的购物和公共服务设施,加上完善的公共交通系统,使马鞍山成为一个宜居的地方。
致谢：感谢香港中文大学香港亚太研究所城市与区域发展研究中心纪纬纹先生协助翻译中文稿。
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
参考文献 原文顺序
文献年度倒序
文中引用次数倒序
被引期刊影响因子
| [1] | . ABSTRACT Underurbanization may be defined as the extent to which the actual rate of urban growth falls short of the rate that would have occurred if there had been perfect and instantaneous adjustments of the population to urban-industrial productivity advantages. Eastern European scholars argue that underurbanization has been sought and achieved as an explicit policy objective by socialist governments. In this paper, the Tolley model is used to estimate productivity-based urban growth rates. These, in turn, permit an examination of whether, and to what extent, underurbanization may have been characteristic of China since 1949. Underurbanization was found throughout the Maoist period with three explainable contrary episodes. However, pent-up demand for urbanward migration has been released during Deng's Four Modernizations, and China now appears to be overurbanizing. |
| [2] | . Since the early 1980s, a large number of rural migrants have moved into Chinese cities. Most rural migrants are not granted permanent household registration in the city and are only registered temporarily. The temporary population refers to such rural migrants. They have a low social and economic status and do not enjoy many social welfare and economic opportunities reserved for the permanent urban residents. Due to their low socio-economic status, housing conditions for the temporary population is poor. The current housing reform in urban China has entirely focused on the local urban residents while the needs of the temporary population have been overlooked. How do the rural migrants make a living in Chinese cities? How are cities accommodating this large temporary population? What kind of policies might be adopted to manage migrants in Chinese cities? This paper will examine the current employment and housing situations, and the causes of temporary population in China. Possible policy response to the problem is also discussed. |
| [3] | . 城镇人口数据不一致的问题非常严重,几乎没有系统的省级区域城市化数据.这种情况部分是因为 人口普查城镇人口定义的变化,部分是由城镇设置标准的变动引起的.人口普查是全国和各省区城镇人口数据的重要来源.但是由于人口普查的城镇人口定义在不断 变化,城镇人口数据很多是前后不一致的,必须进行相应调整.本文首先讨论改革时期新的城市化进程,澄清城镇人口定义的变化,然后概括地说明估计全国和区域 城镇人口所用的一个基于双轨城市化概念模式的区域方法.将调整后的1982年和2000年人口普查得到的城镇人口作为计算的基础数据,对 1982～2000年中国各省的城市化水平进行估计.在估计结果的基础上,分析1982～2000年中国城市化过程的主要空间特征.揭示了 1982～2000中国省级区域城市化发展的主要趋势.本文最后为将来城镇人口的统计提出一些建议. . 城镇人口数据不一致的问题非常严重,几乎没有系统的省级区域城市化数据.这种情况部分是因为 人口普查城镇人口定义的变化,部分是由城镇设置标准的变动引起的.人口普查是全国和各省区城镇人口数据的重要来源.但是由于人口普查的城镇人口定义在不断 变化,城镇人口数据很多是前后不一致的,必须进行相应调整.本文首先讨论改革时期新的城市化进程,澄清城镇人口定义的变化,然后概括地说明估计全国和区域 城镇人口所用的一个基于双轨城市化概念模式的区域方法.将调整后的1982年和2000年人口普查得到的城镇人口作为计算的基础数据,对 1982～2000年中国各省的城市化水平进行估计.在估计结果的基础上,分析1982～2000年中国城市化过程的主要空间特征.揭示了 1982～2000中国省级区域城市化发展的主要趋势.本文最后为将来城镇人口的统计提出一些建议. |
| [4] | . 见: 彼得?卡尔. 克雷斯尔. . In: Kresl P K. |
| [5] | . 新型城镇化是以人为核心的城镇化,因此农民城镇化意愿备受关注。基于2010年中国综合社会调查（CGSS2010）的数据,采用描述性统计和多层次Logistic回归模型,探讨了农民进城定居意愿和对不同等级城镇的选择偏好,并分析了其影响因素。研究表明：农民进城定居意愿较弱,且大多倾向于在县城或小城镇而非地级及以上城市定居。农民的进城意愿和城市偏好存在着显著的地理空间异质性。来自于同一村庄的农民,其进城意愿和对不同等级城镇的偏好具有较多的相似性。影响农民进城意愿的主要因素包括：个体人力资本禀赋、家庭人口结构、物质资本存量、城乡联系以及地区社会经济发展水平等。地区经济发展水平和地理区位是农民选择到小城镇而非地级及以上城市定居的主要影响因素。因此,促进县域城镇化发展,提高农民人力资本和家庭收入,是实现农村城镇化和农民市民化的有效途径。 . 新型城镇化是以人为核心的城镇化,因此农民城镇化意愿备受关注。基于2010年中国综合社会调查（CGSS2010）的数据,采用描述性统计和多层次Logistic回归模型,探讨了农民进城定居意愿和对不同等级城镇的选择偏好,并分析了其影响因素。研究表明：农民进城定居意愿较弱,且大多倾向于在县城或小城镇而非地级及以上城市定居。农民的进城意愿和城市偏好存在着显著的地理空间异质性。来自于同一村庄的农民,其进城意愿和对不同等级城镇的偏好具有较多的相似性。影响农民进城意愿的主要因素包括：个体人力资本禀赋、家庭人口结构、物质资本存量、城乡联系以及地区社会经济发展水平等。地区经济发展水平和地理区位是农民选择到小城镇而非地级及以上城市定居的主要影响因素。因此,促进县域城镇化发展,提高农民人力资本和家庭收入,是实现农村城镇化和农民市民化的有效途径。 |
| [6] | . Since 1988 the Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations has been issuing every two years revised and updated estimates and projections of the urban and rural populations of all countries in the world and of their major urban agglomerations. This note presents the main findings of the 2007 Revision of World Urbanization Prospects which are consistent with the size of the total population of each country as estimated or projected in the 2006 Revision of World Population Prospects. The 2007 Revision presents estimates and projections of the total urban and rural populations of the world for the period 1950-2050. The results are shown for development groups six major areas (i.e. Africa Asia Europe Latin America and the Caribbean Northern America and Oceania) and 21 regions. Data are further disaggregated for the 229 countries or areas of the world. The 2007 Revision also provides estimates and projections of the population of urban agglomerations with 750000 inhabitants or more in 2007 for the period 1950-2025. Estimates of the proportion of the population living in urban areas and the population of cities are derived on the basis of national statistics. The most common source of data on the proportion urban and the population of cities and urban agglomerations is the population census. For some countries the basic data are obtained from population registers or administrative statistics. (excerpt) |
| [7] | |
| [8] | . The level of urbanisation in many developing countries such as China has remained at less than 50%, despite rapid urban population growth since the 1950s. Obtaining accurate information on urban population is essential for monitoring and studying the ongoing urbanisation process that is restructuring the societies of less urbanised countries. The difficulties in counting China's urban population have arisen from the accelerated urbanisation in China under a model of dual-track urbanisation since the early 1980s. Institutional settings for urbanisation have also been altered with the revision of criteria for city and town designation. These developments make it increasingly difficult to count urban population in China, causing frequent changes in the definition of urban population in five censuses from 1953 to 2000. Two approaches have been adopted to estimate urban population data series for inter-census periods. This paper proposes a third approach based on the concept of dual-track urbanisation, counting and estimating urban non-agricultural and agricultural populations separately. After thorough examination and comparison of the definition of urban population and data quality from five censuses, this paper obtains a set of more consistent urban population data after a series of adjustments. A new series of urban population data is estimated for 1982-2001. The results provide reliable urbanisation data for further study on urban transition and development in China. Copyright 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. |
| [9] | . The Chinese household registration system (hukou), which divides the population into “agricultural” and “nonagricultural” sectors, may be the most important determinant of differential privileges in state socialist China, determining access to good jobs, education for one’s children, housing, health care, and even the right to move to a city. Transforming one’s hukou status from rural to urban is a central aspect of upward social mobility. Using data from a 1996 national probability sample, we show that education and membership in the Chinese Communist Party are the main determinants of such mobility. |
| [10] | |
| [11] | |
| [12] | . This article examines the fate of rural migrants in Shanghai, China's largest metropolis. Relying on data from a representative survey, it provides a profile of recent rural migrants and analyzes the pattern of occupational and income determination among them. The economic status between migrants and local residents is also compared. The authors show that despite a marked income improvement, rural migrants in Shanghai are still segregated from urban residents and argue that the social divide between urban and rural areas created under socialism has continued to function and may contribute to the formation of a dual society in urban China. |
| [13] | . The concept of integration is central for understanding the experiences of groups in marginalized positions in contemporary urban societies. Research on integration has primarily focused on international migrants, especially immigrants. Yet internal migrants like rural-urban migrant workers in China also face formidable institutional, economic, cultural, and social barriers in the host society. Informed by integration theory, and drawing on a questionnaire survey of 1,100 migrants conducted in Wuhan, this research effort examines how institutional barriers intersect with economic, social/cultural, and identity integration to explain the experiences of rural migrant workers in Chinese cities. The authors' analysis, based on OLS and logit regressions, shows that the hukou system is a persistent barrier to migrant workers, despite improvement over time of their economic, social/cultural, and identity integration into urban society. Their findings also indicate that human capital is important for migrants' economic and identity integration. Moreover, migrant workers who are socially and culturally adapted, speak the dialect of the host society, and have the financial resources to be self-employed (or buy an apartment in the city) are more likely to develop a sense of belonging in the city than other migrants. |
| [14] | . Established migration theories are mostly based on capitalist market economies and downplay the role of institutions in internal migration and labor market processes. In socialist and transitional economies such as those in Russia and China, however, investigations of migration and the labor market must begin by examining the nature and consequences of state institutions. In this article, I argue that the migration and labor market processes in Chinese cities are deeply influenced by an institution-based opportunity structure. The household registration (hukou) system, in particular, is interwoven with distribution of services and job opportunities. Most peasants who enter cities in response to increased demands for cheap labor are not granted urban citizenship and are treated as “outsiders” to the urban society. The experiences of these “temporary migrants” contrast with those of “permanent migrants” who are state-sponsored or have access to institutional resources. Using qualitative accounts from a 1995 village-level survey in Sichuan and Anhui and quantitative data from a survey I conducted in Guangzhou in 1998, this article examines the most salient differences among the three subpopulations with different resident statuses: nonmigrant urban natives, permanent migrants, and temporary migrants. I show that resident status is central to explaining migration processes and labor market segmentation in the Chinese city. The findings indicate that in terms of human capital attributes, mobility resources, and labor market entry and shifts, permanent migrants are the most privileged and successful elite, followed by nonmigrant natives, and finally by temporary migrants at the bottom of the hierarchy. These results hint at a new social order of stratification in Chinese cities, underscore the compelling relations between internal migration and labor market development in transitional economies, and suggest that in these economies the state deepens the bifurcation effects about which labor market segmentation theory is concerned. |
| [15] | . Since the inauguration of reform in 1978, a large number of Chinese peasants were released from agricultural production and became "surplus labor." Because a large proportion of rural-urban population mobility assumes the form of temporary movement, attention to such movement is therefore essential to any assessment of social, economic and political changes in urban and rural China and of the overall urbanization process. The present study uses the 1 percent sample of the 1990 census data of China to study long-term rural to urban temporary economic migrants, the provincial pattern and variation of these migrants, and their economic activities represented by the occupational attainments in cities in comparison with urban residents. |
| [16] | . Since the early 1980s, reduced migration control by the state and increasing economic liberalization in China have led to the movement of millions of peasants to the cities, creating various types of new 090008urban spaces090009 and 090008non-state spaces.090009 This influx has fundamentally changed the social, spatial and economic landscapes of the Chinese city, making the urban scene much more varied, lively and dynamic, but less safe and orderly than that of the Maoist era. Aside from the resulting expansion of city population, the Chinese city is also taking on some of the features common to other Third World cities, including the formation of migrant communities in both the cities and suburbs. In 1990, in the built-up areas of eight of China's largest cities, the 090008floating population090009 accounted for between 11.1 to 27.5 per cent of the total de facto urban population. At the same time, the urban population has also become much more diverse as peasants from different provinces group spontaneously in spatially distinct enclaves, producing a new urban mosaic that did not exist in Maoist China. Whereas some of enclaves are formed by non-Han minority groups, such as the two 090008Xinjiang villages090009 in Beijing where the Uygurs (more commonly but unofficially, 090008Uighurs090009) from Xinjiang have congregated, most of them are formed by Han-Chinese. The Han peasant enclaves, however, are far from uniform in social structure, economic activity, population size or physical appearance. |
| [17] | . |
| [18] | . A unique feature of migration in China is its two-track system, one consisting of permanent migration and temporary migration. This article examines whether and how hukou reforms and the maturation of migration streams since the 1980s have changed the two-track system. Using data on interprovincial migration from the 1990 and 2000 censuses, our empirical analysis focuses on the differentials between permanent migrants and temporary migrants and their changes over time. We document the size, migration reasons, and selectivity of migrants, and we evaluate the determinants of the dichotomy between permanent migrants and temporary migrants via logistic regression models. Our findings show that between 1990 and 2000 the gaps between interprovincial permanent migrants and temporary migrants did not narrow but in most aspects had widened. There is little evidence that hukou reforms have lowered the barriers to urban citizenship. At the same time, a larger spectrum of the rural population has joined the temporary migration streams. The net result is a persistence of the two-track migration system, where permanent migrants increasingly assume the position of social and economic elites and temporary migrants are the disadvantaged and disenfranchised. |
| [19] | . Abstract This paper uses China's 1990 Census 1% microdata and studies interprovincial migration with reference to a core Chinese socioeconomic institution, the household registration ( hukou ) system. We first compared the socioeconomic characteristics and geographical patterns of long-distance hukou and non- hukou migratory flows, and developed a framework of dual migration circuits. With this framework, we used a statistical model to evaluate migration rates in relation to both origin and destination variables. It was found that these two types of migrants shared some general demographic characteristics, but displayed substantial socioeconomic differences. Hukou migrants tended to originate in urban areas, had an extremely high share of the college-educated and were employed in more skilled jobs, while non- hukou migrants were mostly from rural areas with much lower education attainment. Hukou labour migrants tended to move through government and formal channels, while non- hukou migrants relied on their own, often informal, sources for jobs. We used a set of place-to-place migration models to assess the differential effect of the same variables on different types of migration. While hukou and non- hukou migration (including rural labour migration) were, as expected, deterred by distance and moved mostly to more economically developed coastal provinces, the migration mechanisms and degree of the impact were not the same. Non- hukou migration rates were tied positively to the migration stock, a process consistent with a networked migration hypothesis, while hukou migration rates were not. Rural labour migrants moved away from provinces of high population pressure to those with more favourable ratios of land per labourer, in line with neoclassical predictions. Hukou migration moved in the opposite direction, reflecting a different set of factors at work. Our analysis indicates that the hukou system remained a relatively powerful institution in structuring migration in the 1980s. The study also illustrates the usefulness and limitations of applying existing migration models in a different sociopolitical context. Copyright 漏 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. |
| [20] | . An Australian geographer examines the effects of the global financial crisis on China's migrant workers, based on a recent survey of over 2,700 such workers conducted during January-February 2009. The author focuses on the number of migrant workers returning to their home villages for the annual New Year holiday period, the types of workers that were laid off, options available to such workers upon losing employment, and the reasons underlying their subsequent moves. Implications of the findings for labor policy in China are briefly outlined and several directions for future research identified. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: E240, G010, J610, J690. 7 tables, 68 references. |
| [21] | . |
| [22] | . Residential mobility patterns are an important indicator of the future socioeconomic standing of rural–urban migrants in the urban society. In Chinese cities there are significant barriers for migrants to settle permanently. Given this context and housing choices available to migrants, what types of housing career do they follow once in the city? Drawing from survey data from three large cities, this paper studies migrant intra‐urban residential mobility through three lenses—temporal patterns, spatial trajectories and tenure shifts. The majority of migrants are renters and remain so despite a lengthy residence in the cities. They experience a high level of mobility over time, but the trajectories of their moves are spatially confined and involve few tenure shifts. |
| [23] | . . |
| [24] | . For almost three decades, millions of rural rban migrants in China have continued to circulate between their urban migrant work and their rural home, maintaining a split-household arrangement where some family members are left behind. Based on a survey of migrants in Beijing's urban villages conducted in 2008, this article focuses on migrants' settlement intention. Consistent with recent studies, this research shows that the majority of rural migrants do not intend to stay permanently in cities. Having more family members in the city facilitates the earning of urban wages but is not necessarily indicative of a long-term plan to stay. Rather, the author's empirical analysis highlights migrants' labor market and social futures in the city as important factors of their settlement intention. These results underscore circular migration and split households as long-term practices among rural Chinese, in contrast to the conventional assumptions that those arrangements are temporary. |
| [25] | . Against the backdrop of rapid urbanization, homeplace-based communities accommodating rural migrants from the same origin areas have proliferated in China's metropolitan cities. This phenomenon has attracted a wide range of political concern and media attention. However, little scholarly attention has been devoted to such rural migrant enclaves from the perspective of the social space, and to what extent and in what way 'the power of place' imposes influences upon the migration process and the labor-market process of rural migrants remain poorly understood. Based on field study and qualitative method, this paper aims to probe into the evolution process, basic characteristics, formation mechanism, and spatiality of Hubei Village, a homeplace-based community located in the city of Guangzhou, in the context of rapid urbanization. Our findings reveal that Hubei Village in general has become specialized in economic structure, homogeneous in sub-ethnic composition, and diversified in social stratum since the advent of the reform and opening up, and that abundant production networks and recruitment channels embedded with native space connections engender this community an enclave of key social and cultural distinction from surrounding areas. Our results suggest that Hubei Village plays a key role in accumulating and retaining all kinds of sub-ethnic elements, e.g. capital, labor force, and identity. Specifically, Hubei Village provides a place for the circuit of Hubei migrants' economic capital, for upward mobility of hubei labor migrants, and for integration of Hubei migrants into the host society of detonation cities. Our results further indicate that Hubei Village is a product of interrelated and interwoven forces at varied geographical scales, including market, institutional, and regional-level factors on a macro scale, factors related to urban expansion and infrastructure development on a meso scale, and factors related to competitive edges of Hubei garment factories, entrepreneurial spirit of Hubei migrants, and active response of local community on a micro scale. Based on our empirical study, we make a conclusive remark that homeplace-based communities, as new urban social spaces facilitated by grass-root efforts, make great contributions to the integration of neo-migrants in China's metropolitan cities. Therefore, governments should be cautious to carry out the wholesale demolition of homeplace-based communities, and should reconsider existing redevelopment policies toward urbanized villages. . Against the backdrop of rapid urbanization, homeplace-based communities accommodating rural migrants from the same origin areas have proliferated in China's metropolitan cities. This phenomenon has attracted a wide range of political concern and media attention. However, little scholarly attention has been devoted to such rural migrant enclaves from the perspective of the social space, and to what extent and in what way 'the power of place' imposes influences upon the migration process and the labor-market process of rural migrants remain poorly understood. Based on field study and qualitative method, this paper aims to probe into the evolution process, basic characteristics, formation mechanism, and spatiality of Hubei Village, a homeplace-based community located in the city of Guangzhou, in the context of rapid urbanization. Our findings reveal that Hubei Village in general has become specialized in economic structure, homogeneous in sub-ethnic composition, and diversified in social stratum since the advent of the reform and opening up, and that abundant production networks and recruitment channels embedded with native space connections engender this community an enclave of key social and cultural distinction from surrounding areas. Our results suggest that Hubei Village plays a key role in accumulating and retaining all kinds of sub-ethnic elements, e.g. capital, labor force, and identity. Specifically, Hubei Village provides a place for the circuit of Hubei migrants' economic capital, for upward mobility of hubei labor migrants, and for integration of Hubei migrants into the host society of detonation cities. Our results further indicate that Hubei Village is a product of interrelated and interwoven forces at varied geographical scales, including market, institutional, and regional-level factors on a macro scale, factors related to urban expansion and infrastructure development on a meso scale, and factors related to competitive edges of Hubei garment factories, entrepreneurial spirit of Hubei migrants, and active response of local community on a micro scale. Based on our empirical study, we make a conclusive remark that homeplace-based communities, as new urban social spaces facilitated by grass-root efforts, make great contributions to the integration of neo-migrants in China's metropolitan cities. Therefore, governments should be cautious to carry out the wholesale demolition of homeplace-based communities, and should reconsider existing redevelopment policies toward urbanized villages. |
| [26] | . 改革开放以来,大量农村人口迁入城市,与城市本地居民"共居"于同一城市空间.农民工在迁入城市的空间分布,很大程度上决定着他们与城市居民接触"界面"的大小和交流机会的多少;农民工的居住状况,又在一定意义上反映了他们与城市居民社会差异的大小及相互融合的程度. . 改革开放以来,大量农村人口迁入城市,与城市本地居民"共居"于同一城市空间.农民工在迁入城市的空间分布,很大程度上决定着他们与城市居民接触"界面"的大小和交流机会的多少;农民工的居住状况,又在一定意义上反映了他们与城市居民社会差异的大小及相互融合的程度. |
| [27] | . 61The new generation migrants are significantly different from the first generation ones in their individual characteristics.61However, they are still remarkable similar in their socioeconomic status and readiness for integration into the cities.61The generational change per se plays an insignificant role in changing migrants' situation in the cities.61Rural–urban disparity and the dominance of labour-intensive industries constrain the above changes. |
| [28] | . This paper reveals Fujian's urbanization paths and reestimates its urbanization trend since the 1980s. In doing this, special attention is given to the profound socioeconomic changes affecting the province, especially the designation of small urban centers, the development of township and village enterprises (TVEs), and temporary residents. The economic development in Fujian province is an example wherein it divides China's urbanization process into 'formal' and 'informal' patterns. By using this concept of urbanization, it revealed a transformation from a state-sponsored and strictly controlled urbanization process into a dynamic development mainly promoted by local economic activities. It strongly suggests that the confines of China's official data on urbanization prevent a full appreciation of the essence of the urbanization process since 1978. The development of TVEs, facilitated by the creation of many small urban centers, together with more and more temporary residents, has become the main feature of the urbanization process in the Fujian province. Without these components, the analysis of urbanization provides only an incomplete and superficial picture of China's urban growth. |
| [29] | . State-sponsored urbanization prevailed in the prereform China. A new track of spontaneous urbanization has emerged since 1978. However, state-sponsored urbanization has continued to be an important process of urbanization in the reform period. The Chinese pattern of urbanization since 1978 is distinguished by dual-track urbanization. This paper uses the dualtrack urbanization approach to examine the urbanization process in Pearl River Delta in the reform period. Whether urbanization takes place in main cities or low-order settlements has been a lasting theme of the urbanization inquiry. This issue is assessed by an analysis of the relative concentration and deconcentration of urban population among four groups of settlements: the primate city, cities with special economic zones, prefecture-level cities and county-level cities/counties. Contrary to previous research, it is found that both state-sponsored and spontaneous urbanization are driving a dispersed pattern of urbanization in the region. |
| [30] | |
| [31] | , , |
| [32] | |
| [33] | |
| [34] | . 讨论中国在改革时期双轨城市化兴起的政治经济因素。随后分析双轨城市化在珠江三角洲的趋势及其对空间发展的含义。1980-1990年代,城市化有扩散的倾向,但同时又选择性地集中在新发展的经济特区。但是,此后珠三角出现了国家主导的城市化在主要的城市中心集中的新趋势。本文所展示的复杂现实,对现有基于城市或小城镇的城市化理论提出了挑战。 . 讨论中国在改革时期双轨城市化兴起的政治经济因素。随后分析双轨城市化在珠江三角洲的趋势及其对空间发展的含义。1980-1990年代,城市化有扩散的倾向,但同时又选择性地集中在新发展的经济特区。但是,此后珠三角出现了国家主导的城市化在主要的城市中心集中的新趋势。本文所展示的复杂现实,对现有基于城市或小城镇的城市化理论提出了挑战。 |
| [35] | . |
| [36] | |
| [37] | . |
| [38] | |
| [39] | . Coping with Cultural and Racial Diversity in Urban America - 1990, Page 108 by Wallace E. Lambert, Donald M. Taylor. Read Coping with Cultural and Racial Diversity in Urban America now at Questia. |
| [40] | . |
| [41] | . ABSTRACT This report introduces a quantitative index that measures the degree of similarity between native- and foreign-born adults in the United States: the ability to distinguish the latter group from the former is defined as "assimilation." The Index of Immigrant Assimilation relies on Census Bureau data available in some form since 1900 and as current as 2006. The index reveals great diversity in the experiences of individual immigrant groups, which differ from each other almost as much as they differ from the native-born. They vary significantly in the extent to which their earnings have increased, their rate of learning the English language, and progress toward citizenship. Mexican immigrants, the largest group and the focus of most current immigration policy debates, have assimilated slowly, but their experience is not representative of the entire immigrant population. Collective assimilation rates are lower than they were a century ago, although no lower than they have been in recent decades. This is true despite the fact that recent immigrants have arrived less assimilated than their predecessors and in very large numbers. In addition to country of origin, the Index categorizes groups on the basis of date of arrival, age, and place of residence. Some groups have done far better or worse than the Index as a whole; Assimilation also varies considerably across metropolitan areas. The methodology used to compute the assimilation index is outlined in the report and detailed in an appendix. The assimilation index points to marks of success, to encouraging recent trends, and also to areas of concern. Within areas of concern, the index provides some insight into the nature of the problem and the universe of appropriate potential policy responses. However, the report neither proposes nor endorses any policy responses: its purpose is to present information in a manner useful to concerned citizens and policymakers who hope to make informed decisions regarding the proper course of action. (Contains 30 endnotes, 25 figures and 2 tables.) |
| [42] | |
| [43] | . This paper uses a new data source to investigate differences in occupational achievement among a large number of ethnic groups. The November, 1979 Current Population Survey is a unique source since it provides information on both the ancestry and nativity of a large national sample of respondents. These data are particularly valuable because they permit the identification of first-, second- and third- or higher- generation individuals, thereby providing a clearer picture of the process of assimilation. We focus upon the achievements of men, age 20 to 64, classified simultaneously by nativity and ethnicity. Not surprisingly, there are notable differences in the occupational attainment of foreign- born men. Some of these differences are due to the diverse social and economic backgrounds of the different nationalities, but important differences in the rates of return to background characteristics are also evident. The assimilation perspective predicts that eventually ethnic background will no longer be an important determinant of socioeconomic achievement. By the third generation, we find this to be true for the most part, although important exceptions are discussed in this paper. |
| [44] | . |
| [45] | . This paper analyzes the relationship between earnings and the extent of assimilation, cohort quality change, and return migration experienced by the foreign-born population. The study uses the longitudinal data available in the Survey of Natural and Social Scientists and Engineers. The analysis reveals that there was a sizable decline in the skills of this population over the last two decades. In addition, the study shows that return migration is more likely among immigrants who did not perform well in the U.S. labor market. |
| [46] | . The segmented assimilation theory offers a theoretical framework for understanding the process by which the new second generation--the children of contemporary immigrants--becomes incorporated into the system of stratification in the host society and the different outcomes of this process. This article examines the issues and controversies surrounding the development of the segmented assimilation theory and reviews the state of recent empirical research relevant to this theoretical approach. It also highlights main conclusions from recent research that bear on this theory and their implications for future studies. The geographical focus is on the United States. (EXCERPT) |
| [47] | . |
| [48] | . An economic behavioral model of rural urban migration is formulated which represents a realistic modification and extension of the simple wage differential approach commonly found in the literature and this probablistic approach is incorporated into a rigorous model of the determinants of urban labor demand and supply which when given values for the crucial parameters can be used among other things to estimate the equilibrium proportion of the urban labor force that is not absorbed by the modern industrial economy. Additionally the model will provide a convenient framework for analyzing the implications of alternative policies designed to alleviate unemployment by varying 1 or more of the principal parameters. A more realistic picture of labor migration in less developed nations would be one that views migration as a 2 stage phenomenon: in the 1st stage the unskilled rural worker migrates to an urban area and spends a certain period of time in the "urban traditional" sector; and the 2nd stage is reached with the eventual attainment of a more permanent modern sector job. This 2 stage process allows one to ask some basic questions concerning the decision to migrate the proportionate size of the urban traditional sector and the implications of accelerated industrial growth and/or alternative rural urban real income differentials on labor participation in the modern economy. In the model the decision to migrate from rural to urban areas is functionally related to 2 principal variables: the urban rural real income differential and the probability of obtaining an urban job. To understand better the nature of the supply function to be used in the overall model of the determinants of urban unemployment it is helpful to state the underlying behavioral assumptions of the model of rural urban migration: it is assumed that the percentage change in the urban labor force as a result of migration during any period is governed by the differential between the discounted streams of expected urban and rural real income expressed as percentage of the discounted stream of expected rural real income; the planning horizon for each worker is identical; the fixed costs of migration are identical for all workers; and the discount factor is constant over the planning horizon and identical for all potential migrants. The model demonstrates the overall net impact of allowing these parameters to vary over time and/or choosing alternative values. It underlines in a simple and plausible way the interdependent effects of industrial expansion productivity growth and the differential expected real earnings capacity of urban versus rural activities on the size and rate of increase in labor migration and therefore ultimately on the occupational distribution of the urban labor force. Possibly the most significant policy implication that emerged from the model is the great difficulty of substantially reducing the size of the urban traditional sector without a concentrated effort at making rural life more attractive. |
| [49] | . No Abstract available for this article. |
| [50] | . Current research in migration is moving on from neo-classical and behavioural perspectives to a more structural approach relating to wider processes, issues of power and the particular role of employers. Within this programme a key issue for investigation is the interaction between spatial mobility and the structuring of labour markets. This paper focuses on the significance of labour market segmentation - in terms both of job stability and gender - for migration, both theoretically and through an empirical analysis of data from the UK Labour force survey on sponsored and unsponsored moves. |
| [51] | . |
| [52] | |
| [53] | . One of the striking outcomes of China's economic reforms is the emergence of inter-regional labour markets as rural workers have poured into the nation's urban and rural economies. Policy makers in China, as elsewhere in the world, have treated the inter-regional migrant labour force with ambiguity. Migration may increase efficiency, contribute to poverty reduction and make China's economy more competitive, but leaders fear the congestion, social unrest and loss of political control which might accompany an increasingly mobile labour force. |
| [54] | |
| [55] | |
| [56] | . In: Wong T, Rigg J. |
| [57] | . |
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| [61] | . 本文基于对285名香港新移民的调查发现乐观取向、社会服务的使用是影响社会融合的重要因素，高乐观取向、更多使用社会服务的新移民社会融合程度更高。论文提出了相应的政策和服务建议。 . 本文基于对285名香港新移民的调查发现乐观取向、社会服务的使用是影响社会融合的重要因素，高乐观取向、更多使用社会服务的新移民社会融合程度更高。论文提出了相应的政策和服务建议。 |
