Spatial dilemma of suburban low-income residents: An analysis of behavior space among different income groups
TANa通讯作者:
收稿日期:2016-12-30
修回日期:2017-06-6
网络出版日期:2017-11-10
版权声明:2017《地理学报》编辑部本文是开放获取期刊文献，在以下情况下可以自由使用：学术研究、学术交流、科研教学等，但不允许用于商业目的.
基金资助:
作者简介:
-->
展开
摘要
关键词：
Abstract
Keywords：
-->0
PDF (1779KB)元数据多维度评价相关文章收藏文章
本文引用格式导出EndNoteRisBibtex收藏本文-->
1 引言
低收入居民面临的空间困境一直以来是城市社会空间研究的重要议题。随着中国城市社会分异与空间重构的深入,越来越多的****开始关注低收入群体面临的社会隔离与边缘化问题。从居住空间的角度,国内外****对于低收入居民面临的住房分异[1-2]、贫困集聚与社区隔离[3-5]、社会资本与居住满意度[6-8]等进行了大量研究,发现低收入居民面临着严重的空间困境。国外前沿研究指出,相比于居住空间,低收入居民在日常出行中面临的空间困境可能更为重要。在城市流动性日益增强的背景下,居住空间的分异已经不能反映不同社会群体空间不平等的全貌[9-11]。居民在城市中生活,不仅受到本社区建成环境与社会群体的影响,更受到日常出行中所能达到的区域和遇到的人群的影响。因此,行为空间作为居民活动与出行行为的度量,在国外低收入居民空间困境的研究中日益重要[12-14],但是国内研究较少关注这一方面。
在时间地理学和行为地理学的理论基础上,国外研究一般分别采用潜在活动空间和实际活动空间分析行为空间。潜在活动空间衡量个体在一定时空制约下能够达到的最大空间范围[15-16],代表个体日常生活中的时空可达性。现有研究发现,性别、就业状况、时空制约强度、社区建成环境都会对潜在活动空间产生影响[15, 17-18],但是对不同收入群体的时空可达性研究不足[19]。实际活动空间是个体在日常活动过程中所经过的所有地点的集合[20],是用来描述个体对城市空间的利用情况和移动能力。已有研究发现,收入水平、性别、年龄、社区建成环境、工作时间等都会对实际活动空间产生影响[13, 21-24],但是收入水平对实际活动空间的影响存在争议。潜在活动空间与实际活动空间分别度量了个体的时空可达性与实际利用空间的水平[25],代表了行为空间的两个侧面,对于衡量低收入群体受到的空间困境与社会排斥都具有重要的意义。但是,由于数据和方法的限制,现有研究往往仅单独分析潜在活动空间或实际活动空间。另外,现有研究仅关注了西方汽车出行背景下的行为空间[15, 24],并且对于“低收入居民行为空间更小”这一研究结论存在争议[13, 17, 21-24]。因此,本文将以北京市近郊为案例,结合潜在活动空间和实际活动空间,综合衡量不同收入居民的行为空间特征,贡献于基于行为空间的低收入居民空间困境研究。
相比而言,国内****更加关注不同收入群体的行为特征差异。研究发现：随着保障性住房向城市边缘的集中,低收入群体面临着日益严重的职住空间不匹配,通勤距离远高于城市平均水平[26-31];低收入群体的工作时间长、休闲时间短,特别是休息日的家外休闲活动较少,而且以近家型休闲为主,表现出活动时间的破碎化[32-35];低收入群体往往汽车出行比例更低、非工作出行距离更短,日常出行面临着严重的制约[23, 25-26]。总体而言,相比于其他群体,低收入者面临着更多的时空制约,导致其在移动性和可达性上的劣势。但是,目前的研究主要集中于出行行为,而正面分析低收入居民行为空间的研究比较少,因此难以解释低收入居民行为空间的现状及其影响因素。
本文以2012年北京市上地—清河居民活动与出行调查数据为基础,计算居民的潜在活动空间和实际活动空间,比较不同收入群体活动空间的差异,探讨低收入居民经历的日常活动相关的空间不平等,并通过建立回归模型分析活动空间的影响因素,以为城市规划提供政策建议。
2 研究区域与数据
2.1 研究区域概况
本文选取北京市近郊上地—清河地区作为研究案例。案例地区位于北京市西北近郊,紧邻北五环,共约16 km2,常住人口约24万（图1）。该地区是北京市快速发展的近郊地域之一,也是北京市疏散中心城区人口的重要居住组团。人口构成多样、居住空间复杂,包括了单位社区、城中村、保障性住房、普通商品房、高端商品房等多种类型社区。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图1上地—清河地区区位
-->Fig. 1Locations of the Shangdi-Qinghe area
-->
2.2 研究数据
研究数据来源于2012年9-12月间在上地—清河地区实施的北京居民日常活动与交通出行调查的第一手资料。调查对上地—清河地区除城中村、部队大院外的23个社区以及上地信息产业基地19个典型企业进行抽样,采用位置感知设备、互动式调查网站、面对面及电话访谈相结合的方法进行活动日志调查。其中按照社区人口0.5%~1%的比例,通过社区居委会选取543个居民样本。每个样本的调查时间为一周,调查内容包括居民的社会经济属性、一周的活动日志及GPS轨迹。最终有效社区样本为480个。根据研究目的和调查数据情况,本文按照如下要求筛选样本。首先,要求所选样本为有就业的年龄在20~60岁之间的社区居民。其次,将活动日志数据与GPS轨迹在ArcGIS 10.2中进行关联,选择活动日志完整、轨迹质量较好的样本。再次,为便于潜在活动空间的计算,选择完整填写每天活动弹性评价并至少有两个固定活动的样本。根据筛选条件,最终得到243名样本组成本研究的基础数据库。其中,有效样本基本情况如表1所示。女性略多于男性,平均年龄为36岁,87%的居民有北京户口,85%以上的居民拥有大专或以上学历。87%的居民拥有自己的住房,61%的居民家中有小汽车。
Tab. 1
表1
表1被调查者社会经济属性
Tab. 1Respondent characteristics
| 变量 | 样本数 | 频率(%) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 性别 | 男性 | 111 | 45.83 |
| 女性 | 132 | 54.17 | |
| 年龄 | 36.24 | ||
| 户口 | 非北京户口 | 32 | 13.22 |
| 北京户口 | 211 | 86.78 | |
| 个人月收入(元) | ≤ 2000 | 30 | 12.50 |
| 2001~4000 | 91 | 37.50 | |
| 4001~6000 | 55 | 22.50 | |
| 6001~10000 | 44 | 17.92 | |
| 10001~15000 | 9 | 3.75 | |
| >15000 | 14 | 5.83 | |
| 教育程度 | 高中及以下 | 30 | 14.33 |
| 大专或大学 | 146 | 68.75 | |
| 研究生及以上 | 67 | 17.92 | |
| 住房产权 | 自有住房 | 31 | 87.08 |
| 租住住房 | 212 | 12.92 | |
| 汽车所有权 | 有小汽车 | 148 | 60.83 |
| 无小汽车 | 95 | 39.17 | |
新窗口打开
个人月平均收入水平低于2000元的占12.5%,收入水平在2001~4000元的占37%,4001~6000元的占到22%,6000元以上的占到27.5%。相比而言,北京市家庭就业者平均月可支配收入为5861元(本数据根据《2013年北京市统计年鉴》中5000户家庭人均总收入计算,计算方法为就业人口平均月收入=(人均年可支配收入/12)×平均家庭人数/平均家庭就业人口数),按照五分法划分标准,不同收入组的月平均收入分别为3023元、4109元、5572元、6126元和8245元。综合北京市就业人口可支配收入和本研究样本收入分布,将月收入低于2000元以下定义为低收入、2001~6000元为中收入、6001元以上为高收入。
3 行为空间的测量
3.1 潜在活动空间的测量
潜在活动空间作为居民时空可达性的测量指标[25, 36],是居民固定活动之间的时空棱柱在二维平面上的投影的面积（图2）。已有研究对于潜在活动空间的算法进行了大量的探索,从基于几何学算法的标准椭圆测量逐渐发展到基于路网距离的GIS时空可达性地理计算[17]。已有国内外研究主要关注汽车出行的时空可达性,并在算法中不断加入路网结构、出行速度、最大出行距离等空间因素和设施开放时间、最小活动时间等时间因素的考量[16-17, 37-38],直到近期部分研究才开始考虑基于公共交通的时空可达性[39]。本文在Kim等[17]2003年算法的基础上,结合本文调查数据的特点,综合考虑汽车、公共交通和步行等多种出行方式,进行整日时空可达性的计算。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图2潜在活动空间模型
-->Fig. 2Model of potential path area
-->
潜在活动空间的计算需要考虑个体活动与出行的关系。其中一些活动在时间和空间上难以改变,可以称之为固定活动,例如工作活动。这些活动会对其他活动的参与（可以称之为弹性活动）产生决定性的影响。因此,个体的时空可达性会受到固定活动之间的时间预算和出行能力的制约[17-18]。本文采用时间固定性和空间固定性的主观评判作为固定活动的划分标准。在问卷中采用五级量表的形式询问居民每一个活动的时间和地点是否可以改变,1为非常容易改变,2为比较容易改变,3是一般,4是比较难以改变,5是很难改变。将时间固定性和空间固定性都≥ 4的活动作为固定活动,将两个固定活动之间的时间作为自由活动时间Total_F（图2）。
在自由活动时间内个体能够到达的区域就称之为一次潜在活动空间（也称为潜在路径区域,Potential Path Area, PPA）（图2）。PPA的面积一般比居民实际到达的空间大得多,因为它包含了居民在一定时空制约下可能到达的所有路线和地点[18]。将居民一天内所有的PPA进行空间叠加,得到的区域就是居民整日的潜在活动空间（Daily Potential Path Area, DPPA）[17-18]。
本文采用ArcGIS 10.2的路网分析进行DPPA计算,具体算法如图3所示：① 计算自由活动时间预算Total_F。② 按照车辆拥有情况,假定居民会选择最快的交通方式,即有车的居民使用汽车出行、没有车的居民选择公共交通出行,并按照高峰时段设定出行速度。根据2013年北京交通发展报告,汽车早高峰（7:00-9:00）平均速度为26.0 km/h,晚高峰（17:00-19:00）为23.5 km/h,其他时间按45 km/h,地铁公交等高峰平均速度为15 km/h,其他时间按25 km/h。③ 根据两个固定活动的地理坐标,用ArcGIS的network analysis tool计算两个活动的最短路网距离Short_D。④ 根据活动分析法,居民的交通出行是由活动需求引致的。因此,假定居民进行弹性活动的最短时间Total_A为30 min,那么自由活动时间Total_F = 出行时间Total_T +活动时间Total_A,计算所有固定活动之间的出行时间。⑤ 设置一个最大出行时间界限MAX,根据北京市交研中心报告,汽车出行设置为90 min,公交出行设置为120 min,如果Total_T ≥ MAX,将MAX设为总出行时间,按照总出行时间计算可能的出行距离Total_T×speed = Total_D。⑥ 进行判别,如果Total_D ≤ Short_D,说明这段时间不可能完成自由活动,运算结束;如果可以完成自由活动,则开始计算PPA。⑦ 按照公用设施k来计算,用网络分析方法计算从i到k和k到j的距离,找到ik+kj ≥ Short_D并且ik+kj ≤ Total_D的所有设施,用最小多边形方法计算包围这些节点的最小多边形面积为PPA,并将每个人一天的PPA进行空间叠加,得到DPPA。最终得到212个居民453天的不为零的DPPA。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图3潜在活动空间测量流程图
-->Fig. 3Flow chart for calculating potential path area
-->
3.2 实际活动空间的测量
对于实际活动空间的测量有多种方法,例如置信椭圆法、最小多边形法、密度插值法、最短路径分析法、缓冲区法等[13-14, 21-24, 40]。本文采用最小多边形方法进行计算：在ArcGIS中计算将居民整日所有GPS点包含在内的内角不超过180o的最小面积作为实际活动空间的范围。虽然此方法存在一些问题,比如可能超过个体日常活动的实际范围、多边形边缘区域的一些活动空间没有包含在内等[41];但是它展现了个体日常活动点的空间轮廓,因而被广泛用于实际活动空间的测量中。3.3 案例分析
根据以上算法,选取一个在城市中心就业、使用汽车通勤的男性样本作为案例进行说明。该样本在周一共有3个自由活动时间,分别是：8:25-9:00从家到工作地,9:20-9:55在两段工作活动中出行,12:00-22:00下班回家（图4）。根据图3的计算流程,分别计算不同时段的PPA。首先该居民在早高峰开车上班,速度设为26 km/h,假定他要完成一个30 min的自由活动,那么总出行时间仅为5 min。使用网络分析计算他家到工作地的最短路径,发现最短路径大于假定条件下的出行距离,该居民在这个时间内无法完成自由活动。其次9:20-9:55之间,居民为非高峰汽车出行,按照出行速度设为45 km/h、出行时间5 min进行最短路径计算,发现出行距离大于最短距离,说明居民可以完成一个出行并进行自由活动,计算得到PPA1面积为24 km2。最后从12:00到22:00,该居民有10 h自由时间。按照时间中点选择非高峰汽车出行速度,并限制最大出行时间为120 min,计算得到PPA2面积为565 km2。之后在ArcGIS中使用空间叠加计算居民整日潜在活动空间DPPA面积,为565 km2。相应的计算该居民所有GPS点的最小凸多边形,得到实际活动空间面积13.75 km2。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图4行为空间计算案例
-->Fig. 4Case of behavior space calculation
-->
4 不同收入群体的行为空间差异
本文利用洛伦兹曲线刻画居民行为空间的特征,横轴表示按照行为空间面积由小到大分组的人口累计百分比,纵轴表示行为空间面积的累计百分比,而弧线表示了行为空间的洛伦兹曲线。洛伦兹曲线反映了行为空间的不平等程度,弯曲程度越大,行为空间的不平等程度越大,反之亦然。图5可以看出,实际活动空间比潜在活动空间的不平等程度更大。实际活动空间面积最小的50%居民的实际活动空间面积之和不到总体的10%,而面积最大的10%居民的实际活动空间面积之和超过了总体的50%。说明有相当一部分居民的实际活动空间面积很小,而一小部分居民的活动空间面积远大于其他居民。潜在活动空间相对比较平均,面积最小的50%居民的潜在活动空间面积之和占到总体的15%左右,而面积最大的10%居民的潜在活动空间面积之和占总体的20%。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图5行为空间的洛伦兹曲线
-->Fig. 5Lorenz curve of behavior space
-->
比较不同收入群体的行为空间差异,也反映了不平等特征。低收入居民的潜在活动空间和实际活动空间都低于中高收入居民（图6）。月收入在2000元以下的低收入群体平均潜在活动空间面积为951 km2而实际活动空间面积为20 km2,比月收入6000元以上的高收入群体分别少261 km2和13 km2。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图6不同收入群体的行为空间比较
-->Fig. 6Differences in behavior space among income groups
-->
从不同收入群体的行为空间洛伦兹曲线看（图7）,行为空间面积在不同群体内部也存在差异。潜在活动空间在不同收入群体内的不平等程度相当,特别是中、低收入群体的洛伦兹曲线分布几乎重合。相比之下,高收入群体内部的活动空间不平等程度略低于中低收入群体,活动空间面积最大的30%居民的面积总和占到了总体的50%以上。而实际活动空间在不同收入群体内的不平等程度差异较大。特别是低收入群体,活动空间面积最小的80%居民的实际活动空间面积之和不到总体的20%,说明大部分低收入居民的实际活动空间面积很小;其次是高收入群体;而中收入群体的活动空间不平等程度最低,活动空间面积最小的80%居民的实际活动空间面积之和占到总体的30%。总体来看,低收入中大部分居民活动空间面积很小,在实际利用和可能利用的空间范围上都处于弱势,但是也存在群体内部的差异,这些差异可能来自于其他社会经济因素和活动因素的影响。
显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT图7不同收入群体的行为空间洛伦兹曲线
-->Fig. 7Lorenz curve of behavior space by income group
-->
5 行为空间的影响因素
为了进一步分析收入对潜在活动空间和实际活动空间的影响,本文分别以居民的潜在活动空间和实际活动空间面积作为因变量构建回归模型分析,自变量为居民主要的社会经济和空间属性,包括个人月收入、性别、年龄、家庭结构、居住社区及其周边设施状况、工作地区位及其周边设施状况、时空间固定性以及工作时间等（表2）。模型整体的拟合优度分别为15.57%、18.97%,总体来说拟合优度处于可接受但是比较低的范围,说明除了这些社会经济与空间因素,还有其他一些因素在模型中没有考虑到,比如个体决策偏好等。Tab. 2
表2
表2行为空间的回归模型
Tab. 2Regression models of behavior space
| 模型1：潜在活动空间 | 模型2：实际活动空间 | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 系数 | 显著性 | 系数 | 显著性 | ||
| 个人月收入(参考变量：高收入) | |||||
| 低收入 | -341.09 | 0.023 | -83.42 | 0.005 | |
| 中收入 | -195.40 | 0.041 | -111.56 | 0.000 | |
| 女性(参考变量：男性) | -73.13 | 0.369 | -14.30 | 0.009 | |
| 年龄 | -0.92 | 0.880 | -0.97 | 0.020 | |
| 家庭结构(参考变量：单身) | |||||
| 已婚无小孩 | 270.85 | 0.071 | 20.82 | 0.040 | |
| 已婚有小孩核心家庭 | 253.78 | 0.090 | 13.68 | 0.174 | |
| 已婚有小孩扩展家庭 | 248.25 | 0.130 | 18.48 | 0.096 | |
| 住在单位社区 | -18.52 | 0.845 | 12.37 | 0.053 | |
| 家周边设施密度 | 3.60 | 0.013 | 0.21 | 0.031 | |
| 工作地周边设施密度 | -2.85 | 0.042 | -0.14 | 0.140 | |
| 家到地铁站的距离 | 24.70 | 0.656 | -9.63 | 0.010 | |
| 工作地到地铁站的距离 | -41.31 | 0.177 | 3.51 | 0.089 | |
| 本地就业 | 127.13 | 0.165 | -24.27 | 0.000 | |
| 工作时间 | -0.56 | 0.090 | -0.26 | 0.000 | |
| 收入×工作时间 | 0.13 | 0.060 | |||
| 收入×工作时间 | 0.21 | 0.000 | |||
| 空间固定性 | 56.93 | 0.002 | |||
| 时间固定性 | -154.77 | 0.000 | |||
| 截距 | 1504.15 | 0.000 | 202.01 | 0.000 | |
| R2 | 0.1557 | 0.1897 | |||
新窗口打开
收入对个体潜在活动空间和实际活动空间都存在显著的正向影响。中、低收入居民的潜在活动空间和实际活动空间面积都小于高收入居民,说明低收入居民确实经历了行为空间困境。性别仅对实际活动空间有显著影响,女性的实际活动空间小于男性,这可能是由于女性受到工作和家庭的双重压力,时空制约更大,使得他们在日常生活中能够利用的城市空间有限。但是男性和女性的潜在活动空间没有显著差异,说明女性的时空可达性不一定低于男性。年龄同样仅对实际活动空间存在负向影响,即随着年龄增加实际活动空间减小。家庭结构对居民的潜在和实际活动空间都有显著影响：相比未婚居民,已婚无小孩居民的行为空间更大,有小孩已婚居民的行为空间与是否跟老年人住在一起有关。说明相比于未婚居民,家庭资本和家庭责任会增加已婚居民的日常出行能力,而已婚居民内部的差异主要来源于小孩和老人等家庭成员的影响[42]。住在单位社区的居民实际活动空间更大,但是潜在活动空间没有明显差异。随着单位制度转型,单位职住接近的特征逐渐消失,居民利用城市空间的范围开始扩大。本地就业对实际活动空间存在显著的负向影响,而对潜在活动空间存在不显著的正向影响,说明本地就业减少了居民受到的时空制约,给了他们更多的活动的可能性,但是居民不一定实际从事这些外出活动。
建成环境因素对行为空间也有影响。家周边的设施密度越高,潜在活动空间和实际活动空间都更大。这可能是由于设施密度高代表了该社区的空间区位更好,更有利于居民开展家外活动。工作地周边的设施密度越高,潜在活动空间越小。家到地铁站的距离越远、工作地到地铁站的距离越近,实际活动空间面积越小。这说明家和工作地虽然都是日常生活的锚点,但是其作用的方式存在较大的差异。家周边的交通便利有利于居民开展远距离的活动,而工作地周边的交通便利、设施良好居民进行的额外外出反而将减少。
活动属性也会影响行为空间。工作时间越长,居民的潜在活动空间和实际活动空间都越小。但是,对于中低收入居民来说,工作时间越长实际活动空间增加,说明参与工作活动可能会增加他们对于城市空间利用的可能性,减少他们受到的社会排斥。而潜在活动空间受到时空制约的影响更大,时间固定活动越多居民的潜在活动空间越小而空间固定活动越多居民的潜在活动空间越大。
6 结论与讨论
本文基于北京市上地—清河地区活动与出行日志数据,比较不同群体的潜在活动空间和实际活动空间差异,构建回归模型分析其影响因素,发现低收入居民的潜在活动空间和实际活动空间都小于其他群体,表明低收入群体在移动性和可达性方面处于劣势。（1）本文提出行为空间对于研究社会空间分异与隔离、衡量低收入居民的空间困境具有重要的意义。如引言所述,城市转型过程中的住房分选过程使得低收入居民往往被排斥在较好的住房和社区之外,而被隔离在贫困集聚社区之中,造成了社会分异与空间隔离。因此,低收入居民空间困境问题的研究大多强调社区的重要性[1-5]。然而,当前社会转型背景下中国城市社会分异增强、生活方式差异出现,并通过对城市空间的利用表现出来,因而行为空间的重要性越来越凸显,这一方面的研究已经并将成为研究的前沿和重要方向。
（2）本文使用潜在活动空间和实际活动空间作为行为空间的两个维度。这两个概念来源于时间地理学对居民个体整日行为的描述,分别表达了个体行为的时空可达性和实际利用空间的能力[36]。本文利用ArcGIS 10.2的路网分析与最小多边形构建潜在活动空间算法,用最小多边形分析实际活动空间。需要指出的是,潜在活动空间和实际活动空间的度量方法有很多种,并且算法在不断的演化,力图逼近最真实的行为空间。本文的研究目的不在于方法的更新而是群体差异的比较,因此选择的是目前比较成熟的算法,并根据研究数据进行调整。特别是潜在活动空间的度量,由于没有考虑公共交通线路、营业时间等因素,可能造成计算出的潜在活动空间值偏大。
（3）本文发现不同收入群体在行为空间方面确实存在差异性,低收入居民表现出移动性和可达性上的劣势。城市社会转型对不同类型居民带来的影响存在差异,相比而言,低收入者更容易受到城市空间重构的负面影响[26-32]。一方面,低收入者就业能力较弱,往往从事生活服务业等,导致其就业空间选择能力有限。在郊区化的背景下,他们往往承受着长距离通勤[26, 28, 31],时空间制约强,参加非工作活动的时间预算少,导致他们潜在活动空间较小;另一方面,低收入者的出行强烈依赖于公共交通,导致其出行能力较弱。由于郊区公共交通建设不足,低收入者的日常活动往往集中在家附近[32],导致其实际活动空间更小。因此,构建职住平衡、功能混合、交通便捷的社区空间对于提升低收入居民的日常生活质量具有重要的意义。
（4）本文发现潜在活动空间和实际活动空间受到个体社会经济属性和空间属性的影响,但是影响因素存在差异。中低收入、未婚、年长、不住在单位社区、家周边设施密度低、家到地铁站距离远、工作地到地铁站距离近、在本街道工作、工作时间长的女性居民实际活动空间小,而中低收入、未婚、家周边设施密度低、工作地周边设施密度高、工作时间长、时间制约强而空间制约弱的居民潜在活动空间小。建成环境会显著影响居民的行为空间,提升社区设施密度和交通便捷程度,是增加居民对城市空间利用和提升居民时空可达性的重要手段。
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
参考文献 原文顺序
文献年度倒序
文中引用次数倒序
被引期刊影响因子
| [1] | <p>基于2007 年在广州、武汉、西安3 个大城市的低收入社区开展的大型入户调查数据，在社区尺度探究了中国大城市低收入社区中不同社会经济群体间的住房分异情况，并分析了在社会经济转型背景下的制度因素（如户口、邻里类型、雇主类型等）和市场因素（如社会群体、年龄、受教育程度、家庭收入、职业等）对住房产权和居住条件的影响。通过计算泰尔指数发现，大城市低收入社区中不同群体间和群体内的住房分异情况都较显著，但群体内部的差异较群体间的差异更为明显。对住房条件的多元回归分析结果表明，低收入社区不同社会群体的住房条件在不同程度上受到制度因素和市场因素的影响。制度因素对住房面积等难以在短时间内改变的住房条件的作用较市场因素更显著，而市场因素对于住房设施等较易改变的住房条件的影响要比制度因素明显。</p> . <p>基于2007 年在广州、武汉、西安3 个大城市的低收入社区开展的大型入户调查数据，在社区尺度探究了中国大城市低收入社区中不同社会经济群体间的住房分异情况，并分析了在社会经济转型背景下的制度因素（如户口、邻里类型、雇主类型等）和市场因素（如社会群体、年龄、受教育程度、家庭收入、职业等）对住房产权和居住条件的影响。通过计算泰尔指数发现，大城市低收入社区中不同群体间和群体内的住房分异情况都较显著，但群体内部的差异较群体间的差异更为明显。对住房条件的多元回归分析结果表明，低收入社区不同社会群体的住房条件在不同程度上受到制度因素和市场因素的影响。制度因素对住房面积等难以在短时间内改变的住房条件的作用较市场因素更显著，而市场因素对于住房设施等较易改变的住房条件的影响要比制度因素明显。</p> |
| [2] | This paper argues that the low-income housing programme in China has so far failed to provide adequate housing for the poor for three main reasons: the central government's failure to define a clear mission; a lack of commitment from local governments; and an exclusionary policy towards migrants. A systematic review of low-income housing policy in China shows that the central government juggles its economic and socio-political goals thereby causing constant changes in low-income housing policy. Meanwhile, the existing public finance system, the performance evaluation system and localization in policy implementation have all resulted in a lack of commitment from local governments to low-income housing. Inadequate provision is made worse by problems with allocation. Despite encouraging changes since 2010, many factors underlying the government's failures remain unchanged, thus the fate of low-income housing remains uncertain. |
| [3] | 基于2007年在中国6个大城市开展的大规模家庭户调查,采用FGT指数法和逻辑回归分析方法,探讨中围大城市低收入邻里及其居民的贫困集聚程度和决定因素.研究发现,老城衰败邻里的贫困集聚度最高,同时承受多重不利状况的下岗佚业人员的贫困集聚度也是最高;事实贫困、被剥夺感与社会福利分配之间存在不匹配现象.在贫困的决定因素方面,制度保障和市场薪酬对城市贫困的发生具有同等重要的作用,但对不同低收入邻里和不同社会群体又表现出不同的关联性.随着市场作用的加强,市场薪酬机制正在成为贫困产生的更为重要的决定性因素. . 基于2007年在中国6个大城市开展的大规模家庭户调查,采用FGT指数法和逻辑回归分析方法,探讨中围大城市低收入邻里及其居民的贫困集聚程度和决定因素.研究发现,老城衰败邻里的贫困集聚度最高,同时承受多重不利状况的下岗佚业人员的贫困集聚度也是最高;事实贫困、被剥夺感与社会福利分配之间存在不匹配现象.在贫困的决定因素方面,制度保障和市场薪酬对城市贫困的发生具有同等重要的作用,但对不同低收入邻里和不同社会群体又表现出不同的关联性.随着市场作用的加强,市场薪酬机制正在成为贫困产生的更为重要的决定性因素. |
| [4] | 以北京市各街区的低收入人群为研究对象,以2005年和2009年北京市大规模居民调查问卷为基础数据,综合运用数理统计、空间自相关分析和因子生态分析方法揭示北京市低收入群体的属性特征及其空间分布的特点、变化与聚居类型。研究发现：北京市低收入人群中低龄与高龄人口、中低学历及从事劳动密集型行业的人所占比重较高。从空间分布来看,低收入占比较高的街区单元主要分布在城市边缘郊区,并随着城市建设出现向外发展的趋势;与2005年相比,2009年北京市低收入人口出现了初步集聚化特征,西北五环外街道的低收入集聚强度不断提高,同时二环内的低收入集聚强度也有所增加;受CBD快速发展和奥运建设影响,北京市东部和北部的低收入人群比例大幅度降低。最后,本文总结出三类具有代表性的低收入人群聚居类型,分别为本地型、流动型和新移民型。 . 以北京市各街区的低收入人群为研究对象,以2005年和2009年北京市大规模居民调查问卷为基础数据,综合运用数理统计、空间自相关分析和因子生态分析方法揭示北京市低收入群体的属性特征及其空间分布的特点、变化与聚居类型。研究发现：北京市低收入人群中低龄与高龄人口、中低学历及从事劳动密集型行业的人所占比重较高。从空间分布来看,低收入占比较高的街区单元主要分布在城市边缘郊区,并随着城市建设出现向外发展的趋势;与2005年相比,2009年北京市低收入人口出现了初步集聚化特征,西北五环外街道的低收入集聚强度不断提高,同时二环内的低收入集聚强度也有所增加;受CBD快速发展和奥运建设影响,北京市东部和北部的低收入人群比例大幅度降低。最后,本文总结出三类具有代表性的低收入人群聚居类型,分别为本地型、流动型和新移民型。 |
| [5] | This paper examines the social and economic impacts of market transition and structural adjustment policies in China. It studies the employment patterns and income levels in poor residential areas found in two inland cities鈥擲henyang and Chongqing. Household survey data collected in autumn 2000 was analyzed to determine the relationship among work, income, and household poverty during the transitional period. Low level of household income in poor areas was mainly caused by the particular local employment structure inherited from the old system. For many poor residents, market transition was not a smooth process and had resulted in unemployment, falling of income and living standards. A simple poverty-line-based assistance approach promoted by the government may help some of the very poor, but it is not enough to address the underlining causes of urban poverty. |
| [6] | . |
| [7] | . |
| [8] | This article presents evidence that components of social capital can play a prospective role in preventing crime in low‐income housing. It develops a conceptual approach to crime prevention involving social capital, alternative forms of ownership, and environmental design considerations. The study compares five programs that house New York City's poorest, mostly minority residents. The effectiveness of social capital in preventing crime is assessed using data from surveys of 487 buildings in Brooklyn, NY, and crime data from the New York City Police Department. Results of the analysis indicate that three components of social capital—basic participation in tenant associations, tenant prosocial norms, and a building's formal organization—were all related to reducing various types of crime in the buildings under study 6 to 12 months after social capital was measured. The effectiveness of social capital was related to alternative ownership structures, building characteristics, and housing policy. |
| [9] | Recent advances in transportation geography demonstrate the ability to compute a metropolitan scale metric of social interaction opportunities based on the time-geographic concept of joint accessibility . The method we put forward in this article decomposes the social interaction potential (SIP) metric into interactions within and between social groups, such as people of different race, income level, and occupation. This provides a novel metric of exposure, one of the fundamental spatial dimensions of segregation. In particular, the SIP metric is disaggregated into measures of inter-group and intra-group exposure. While activity spaces have been used to measure exposure in the geographic literature, these approaches do not adequately represent the dynamic nature of the target populations. We make the next step by representing both the source and target population groups by space–time prisms, thus more accurately representing spatial and temporal dynamics and constraints. Additionally, decomposition of the SIP metric means that each of the group-wise components of the SIP metric can be represented at zones of residence, workplace, and specific origin–destination pairs. Consequently, the spatial variation in segregation can be explored and hotspots of segregation and integration potential can be identified. The proposed approach is demonstrated for synthetic cities with different population distributions and daily commute flow characteristics, as well as for a case study of the Detroit–Warren–Livonia MSA. |
| [10] | . This paper develops a methodology to measure urban segregation based on individuals0964 sociospatial experience of daily life. Since segregation can be considered as the isolation of people from those unlike themselves, its degree increases with the similarity in ethnicity, economic status, or other sociodemographic dimensions of interest between individuals and people who they are exposed to in their daily usage of urban space. Based on this perspective, we propose a regression estimator that measures segregation by assessing similarity or likeness between people and the social environments they experience in daily activity spaces. Compared to traditional segregation measures, the proposed estimator is not restricted to measuring residential segregation, but recognizes and assesses segregation as a dynamic process that unfolds in the daily life routines of individuals in a society and depends on the different ways individuals or social groups use urban space. It can be applied to various segregation factors, categorical or continuous, as well as to examine their interactions in a society. An empirical study in Hong Kong is used to demonstrate the proposed approach. |
| [11] | 郊区化及其对居民日常生活的影响成为近年来城市研究的重要议题.时空行为研究认为推动日常生活方式的郊区化是解决郊区化过程中出现的社会与空间问题的根本措施.从日常生活方式的角度出发,需要利用多维度时空行为指标刻画群体的生活方式类型以分析郊区居民的空间—行为互动机制.本文采用活动空间和出行频率指标构建个体日常生活方式的行为测度方法,并基于2012年在北京上地—清河地区进行的GPS调查数据将郊区居民划分为“空间排斥”、“本地化”、“郊区性”、“两极化”、“城市依赖”五种日常生活方式类型.研究发现不同日常生活方式群体在活动分布、活动频率和交通方式上存在差异;并通过多项logistic模型分析郊区化对于个体日常生活方式的影响,发现工作日居民的日常生活方式受到性别、收入、年龄和工作时长等社会经济属性的影响.同时郊区设施配置直接影响着居民对郊区空间的利用程度,土地混合利用、商业设施密度提高更有可能实现日常生活的郊区化.日常生活方式的行为测度方法有助于分析郊区居民日常行为的复杂性,为理解郊区化提供了独特的视角,为构建城市研究的空间—行为互动理论提供了有力的支持. . 郊区化及其对居民日常生活的影响成为近年来城市研究的重要议题.时空行为研究认为推动日常生活方式的郊区化是解决郊区化过程中出现的社会与空间问题的根本措施.从日常生活方式的角度出发,需要利用多维度时空行为指标刻画群体的生活方式类型以分析郊区居民的空间—行为互动机制.本文采用活动空间和出行频率指标构建个体日常生活方式的行为测度方法,并基于2012年在北京上地—清河地区进行的GPS调查数据将郊区居民划分为“空间排斥”、“本地化”、“郊区性”、“两极化”、“城市依赖”五种日常生活方式类型.研究发现不同日常生活方式群体在活动分布、活动频率和交通方式上存在差异;并通过多项logistic模型分析郊区化对于个体日常生活方式的影响,发现工作日居民的日常生活方式受到性别、收入、年龄和工作时长等社会经济属性的影响.同时郊区设施配置直接影响着居民对郊区空间的利用程度,土地混合利用、商业设施密度提高更有可能实现日常生活的郊区化.日常生活方式的行为测度方法有助于分析郊区居民日常行为的复杂性,为理解郊区化提供了独特的视角,为构建城市研究的空间—行为互动理论提供了有力的支持. |
| [12] | The widespread development of gated communities has generated much concern over urban fragmentation and social segregation. The social division and segregation between residents inside and outside urban enclaves exist not only in their residential spaces, but also in their values, social relations, and daily lives. In this study, it is argued that sociospatial segregation research should pay more attention to individuals' actual usage of urban space in their daily lives. By examining the activity space of the residents from different types of neighborhoods, a spatiotemporal approach to studying sociospatial segregation in Beijing, China is described. Significant differences are found in the usage of time and space between residents inside and outside the so-called privileged enclaves. Their activity spaces are found to vary significantly in terms of extensity, intensity, and exclusivity. The study suggests that the fragmentation of urban space is the result not only of residential segregation, but also of how different social groups spend their time and use urban space. |
| [13] | The paper develops three possible measurement approaches of increasing complexity (confidence ellipse, kernel density estimates, shortest paths networks). The analysis revealed that the main driver of the size of the activity spaces is the overall number of unique locations visited by the respondents and to a lesser extent, their socio-demographic characteristics. In particular, the groups most often consider to be at risk of social exclusion (female, lower income, elderly) did not show significantly different activity spaces. |
| [14] | While the literature clearly acknowledges that individuals may experience different levels of segregation across their various socio-geographical spaces, most measures of segregation are intended to be used in the residential space. Using spatially aggregated data to evaluate segregation in the residential space has been the norm and thus individual鈥檚 segregation experiences in other socio-geographical spaces are often de-emphasized or ignored. This paper attempts to provide a more comprehensive approach in evaluating segregation beyond the residential space. The entire activity spaces of individuals are taken into account with individuals serving as the building blocks of the analysis. The measurement principle is based upon the exposure dimension of segregation. The proposed measure reflects the exposure of individuals of a referenced group in a neighborhood to the populations of other groups that are found within the activity spaces of individuals in the referenced group. Using the travel diary data collected from the tri-county area in southeast Florida and the imputed racial鈥揺thnic data, this paper demonstrates how the proposed segregation measurement approach goes beyond just measuring population distribution patterns in the residential space and can provide a more comprehensive evaluation of segregation by considering various socio-geographical spaces. |
| [15] | Conventional accessibility measures based on the notion of locational proximity ignore the role of complex travel behavior and space–time constraints in determining individual accessibility. As these factors are especially significant in women's everyday lives, all conventional accessibility measures suffer from an inherent “gender bias.” This study conceptualizes individual accessibility as space–time feasibility and provides formulations of accessibility measures based on the space–time prism construct. Using a subsample of European Americans from a travel diary data set collected in Franklin County, Ohio, space–time accessibility measures are implemented with a network-based GIS method. Results of the study indicate that women have lower levels of individual access to urban opportunities when compared to men, although there is no difference in the types of opportunities and areas they can reach given their space–time constraints. Further, individual accessibility has no relationship with the length of the commute trip, suggesting that the journey to work may not be an appropriate measure of job access. |
| [16] | Accessibility is a fundamental but often neglected concept in transportation analysis and planning. Three complementary views of accessibility have evolved in the literature. The first is the constraints-oriented approach, best implemented by Hgerstrand's space-time prisms. The second perspective follows a spatial interaction framework and derives “attraction-accessibility measures” that compare destinations' attractiveness with the travel costs required. A third approach measures the benefit provided to individuals by the transportation land-use system. This paper reconciles the three complementary approaches by deriving space-time accessibility and benefit measures that are consistent with the rigorous Weibull axiomatic framework for accessibility measures. This research also develops computational procedures for calculating these measures within network structures. This provides realistic accessibility measures that reflect the locations, distances, and travel velocities allowed by an urban transportation network. Since their computational burdens are reasonable, they can be applied at the urban scale using a GIS. |
| [17] | |
| [18] | |
| [19] | Abstract Geographers play important roles in public health research, particularly in understanding healthcare accessibility, utilisation, and individual healthcare experiences. Most accessibility studies have benefited from the increased sophistication of geographic information systems (GIS). Some studies have been enhanced with semi-structured in-depth interviews to understand individual experiences of people as they access healthcare. However, few accessibility studies have explicitly utilised individual in-depth interview data in the construction of new GIS accessibility measures. Using mixed methods including GIS analysis and individual data from semi-structured in-depth interviews, we offer satisfaction-adjusted distance as a new way of conceptualising accessibility in GIS. Based on fieldwork in a predominantly lower-income community in Columbus, Ohio (USA), we find many residents felt neighbourhood healthcare facilities offered low-quality care, which suggested an added perceived distance as they attempt to access high-quality healthcare facilities. The satisfaction-adjusted distance measure accounts for the perceived distance some residents feel as they search for high-quality healthcare in lower-income urban neighbourhoods. In moving beyond conventional GIS and re-conceptualising accessibility in this way, we offer a more realistic portrayal of the issues lower-income urban residents face as they attempt to access high-quality healthcare facilities. The work has theoretical implications for conceptualising healthcare accessibility, advances the mixed-methodologies literature, and argues for a more equitable distribution of high-quality healthcare in urban neighbourhoods. |
| [20] | Examining a broad range of questions--from how human beings negotiate the spaces in which they live, work, and play to how firms and institutions, and their spatial behaviors, are affected by processes of economic and societal... |
| [21] | Using the SITRAMP dataset, which was collected in the Jakarta metropolitan area, Indonesia, over four consecutive days, this study examines day-to-day variability of individuals' activity spaces. The impact of individual heterogeneity and variability of transport network conditions on day-to-day variability of activity spaces is also investigated. Results show that individuals' activity spaces vary from day to day and between different individuals. The activity space of other household members was found to be the most significant factor influencing an individual's activity space. Against the common belief in developing countries that better traffic conditions make individuals travel farther, results show that higher road-network travel speed and better road surface conditions within the home zones actually encourage individuals to visit a more compact set of activity locations and/or visit fewer activity locations. Smoother road surface conditions and higher travel speeds within home zones also bring the centroid of activity locations closer to individuals' home locations. Furthermore, day-to-day variability analysis of individual activity spaces showed that weekday activity spaces are more compact than those at weekends. Moreover, it was found that students' activity spaces show most variability, while those of nonworkers have the lowest variability. |
| [22] | Abstract ABSTRACT Cities and metropolitan regions face several challenges including urban sprawl, auto dependence and congestion, and related environmental and human health effects. Examining the spatial characteristics of daily household activity-travel behavior holds important implications for understanding and addressing urban transportation issues. Research of this sort can inform development of urban land use policy that encourages the use of local opportunities, potentially leading to reduced motorized travel. This article examines the potential household activity-travel response to a planned metropolitan polycentric hierarchy of activity centers. Behavioral observations have been drawn from an activity-travel survey conducted in the Portland, Oregon, metropolitan area during the mid-1990s. Evidence presented from exploratory analysis indicates an urban/suburban differential, with less daily travel and smaller activity spaces for urban households. Investigation of the travel reduction potential of the proposed land-use strategy suggests that location effects could be offset by adjustments to household sociodemographic and mobility characteristics. |
| [23] | Abstract Physical planning can benefit from deeper insight into the space-use options that individuals have. This paper examines how individuals' uses of space are related to urban form factors at their residences, after controlling for traffic congestion, weather, and individual or household characteristics. The behavioral data analyzed came from the 2006 Greater Triangle Region Travel Study in North Carolina. Individuals' uses of space were measured by daily activity space-the minimum convex polygon that contains all the daily activity locations-and daily travel distance, and were estimated by the use of spatial regression models. The results showed that the residents of densely developed neighborhoods with more retail stores and better-connected streets generally have a smaller area of daily activity space and a shorter daily travel distance. In addition, urban form factors were compared in terms of their importance in explaining individuals' space-use behavior. It was found that retail mix and street connectivity are key factors relating to individuals' uses of space, whereas building density was less important. The findings shed light on possible land use solutions toward the better coordination of services in space. |
| [24] | Abstract This study examined relationships among individual demographics, environmental features (e.g., fast food outlet density, park land use) of residential neighborhoods and activity spaces, and weight-related behaviors (diet, physical activity). Participants' movement was tracked for 7 days using global positioning systems (GPS). Two activity space measures (one standard deviation ellipse, daily path area) were derived from the GPS data. Activity spaces were generally larger than residential neighborhoods; environmental features of residential neighborhoods and activity spaces were weakly associated; and some activity space environmental features were related to dietary behaviors. Activity spaces may provide new insights into environmental influences on obesity-related behaviors. Copyright 脗漏 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. |
| [25] | Thepotential path area(PPA) andactivity space(AS) concepts play a central role in the substantial amount of applied research focusing on the quantitative analysis and description of people's spatial behaviour. Given this large literature, and the surprising lack of a formal review of the research, the time is ripe for a systematic review. This paper examines how the key concepts of PPAs and ASs have evolved, how they have been applied, what issues need to be resolved, and potential areas for future research. The review begins with the main theoretical developments influencing the applied use of these methods, and continues with a categorization of the literature across three dimensions 鈥 research domain, methods of calculation and application purpose. We find that the methods have been used not only in the core originating fields of travel behaviour and transport geography, but also in health, criminology and demography, and are growing fastest in health. The methods have been applied to a number of purposes with applications to accessibility the most common and the fastest growing. Demonstrated interest in these methods, along with the technologies and data to facilitate them, suggests a bright future for the use of PPAs and ASs in the social sciences. |
| [26] | 基于问卷调查的非汇总数据、第五次人口普查和第一次经济普查数据,测度了北京城市124个街道的就业可达性,并作为职住空间错位的标度指标,讨论了职住空间错位与居民通勤时间之间的关系.研究发现:①北京城市中心区的就业可达性高于郊区,高就业可达性的街道主要集中在二环以内及东二环至东四环的东北一隅.②全体样本的回归分析发现,在控制社会经济属性与住房状况等条件下,街道就业可达性对通勤时间的影响并不显著,但就业可达性平方与居民通勤时间存在负向相关关系.③分收入组来看,中高收入组两变量影响均不显著,中低收入组和低收入组就业可达性对通勤时间的影响显著,表现为通勤时间与就业可达性为正向相关,与就业可达性平方为负向相关,说明一定的阈值范围内居住街道就业可达性的提高鼓励居民延长通勤时间,但超过一定阈值后则限制居民长时间通勤.该结果与西方城市研究的研究结论不同,反映出中国城市处于空间重构和转型期的独特性.但二者的共同点是低收入居民等弱势群体更容易受城市职住关系的结构性变化的制约,城市规划和住房政策应更加重视通过公共服务设施的空间配置消减低收入居民面临的空间障碍. . 基于问卷调查的非汇总数据、第五次人口普查和第一次经济普查数据,测度了北京城市124个街道的就业可达性,并作为职住空间错位的标度指标,讨论了职住空间错位与居民通勤时间之间的关系.研究发现:①北京城市中心区的就业可达性高于郊区,高就业可达性的街道主要集中在二环以内及东二环至东四环的东北一隅.②全体样本的回归分析发现,在控制社会经济属性与住房状况等条件下,街道就业可达性对通勤时间的影响并不显著,但就业可达性平方与居民通勤时间存在负向相关关系.③分收入组来看,中高收入组两变量影响均不显著,中低收入组和低收入组就业可达性对通勤时间的影响显著,表现为通勤时间与就业可达性为正向相关,与就业可达性平方为负向相关,说明一定的阈值范围内居住街道就业可达性的提高鼓励居民延长通勤时间,但超过一定阈值后则限制居民长时间通勤.该结果与西方城市研究的研究结论不同,反映出中国城市处于空间重构和转型期的独特性.但二者的共同点是低收入居民等弱势群体更容易受城市职住关系的结构性变化的制约,城市规划和住房政策应更加重视通过公共服务设施的空间配置消减低收入居民面临的空间障碍. |
| [27] | 北京从20世纪80年代末开始出现郊区化,其住宅郊区化特点尤为突出.北京市住宅郊区化的驱动力与西方城市的郊区化相比既有相似之处又有明显差异,相似之处是:都是城市化水平不断提高与社会进步的必然结果,以及土地有偿使用制度的实施和城市规划的引导:不同之处在于北京的住宅郊区化是一种被动的郊区化,居民本身并不想离开市区,但是旧城改造与市区内高昂的房价迫使居民不得不到郊区购房.随着住宅郊区化的大规模发展,北京也出现了居住与就业的空间错位问题,这种空间错位虽然与美国郊区化过程中空间错位有许多不同之处,但在本质上是一致的,都是出现居住与就业的空间分离,造成低收入阶层通勤的时间成本与经济成本增加,导致交通拥挤、社会隔离等社会问题. . 北京从20世纪80年代末开始出现郊区化,其住宅郊区化特点尤为突出.北京市住宅郊区化的驱动力与西方城市的郊区化相比既有相似之处又有明显差异,相似之处是:都是城市化水平不断提高与社会进步的必然结果,以及土地有偿使用制度的实施和城市规划的引导:不同之处在于北京的住宅郊区化是一种被动的郊区化,居民本身并不想离开市区,但是旧城改造与市区内高昂的房价迫使居民不得不到郊区购房.随着住宅郊区化的大规模发展,北京也出现了居住与就业的空间错位问题,这种空间错位虽然与美国郊区化过程中空间错位有许多不同之处,但在本质上是一致的,都是出现居住与就业的空间分离,造成低收入阶层通勤的时间成本与经济成本增加,导致交通拥挤、社会隔离等社会问题. |
| [28] | 从居住-就业区位选择角度出发,以广州市典型保障性住房社区（棠下小区、同德小区）为案例,研究保障性住房居民的居住-就业选择特征及其空间匹配性的群体差异和影响机制。经过十多年的发展,研究小区发生明显的居住人群过滤现象,出现大量转售和转租情况,形成保障性住房、商品房、转租房、原单位房的住户结构。保障性住房住户和商品房住户的居住与就业地的空间关系变化较大,其空间不匹配问题突出,但二者在形成机制上存在较大差异。前者主要因保障性住房供应的政策性因素,使其住户的区位选择与主要就业场所不匹配而引发的,属于被动迁移型空间不匹配现象;后者主要是购买转售的保障性住房的住户,为获取保障性住房的政策性福利而通过市场方式选择远离其就业场所空间而引发的,属于主动选择型空间不匹配现象。私人转租房住户和原单位房住户的居住-就业空间匹配性良好。保障性住房的转租和转售在一定程度上产生了政策性福利的再分配,存在一定的不公平性;同时,居住-就业空间不匹配对相关居民的生活质量也带来一定的影响。因此,需要进一步研究保障性住房合理的空间布局方案和实施途径,优化城市空间结构,在考虑社会公平的前提下尽量解决各类群体的居住与就业问题。 . 从居住-就业区位选择角度出发,以广州市典型保障性住房社区（棠下小区、同德小区）为案例,研究保障性住房居民的居住-就业选择特征及其空间匹配性的群体差异和影响机制。经过十多年的发展,研究小区发生明显的居住人群过滤现象,出现大量转售和转租情况,形成保障性住房、商品房、转租房、原单位房的住户结构。保障性住房住户和商品房住户的居住与就业地的空间关系变化较大,其空间不匹配问题突出,但二者在形成机制上存在较大差异。前者主要因保障性住房供应的政策性因素,使其住户的区位选择与主要就业场所不匹配而引发的,属于被动迁移型空间不匹配现象;后者主要是购买转售的保障性住房的住户,为获取保障性住房的政策性福利而通过市场方式选择远离其就业场所空间而引发的,属于主动选择型空间不匹配现象。私人转租房住户和原单位房住户的居住-就业空间匹配性良好。保障性住房的转租和转售在一定程度上产生了政策性福利的再分配,存在一定的不公平性;同时,居住-就业空间不匹配对相关居民的生活质量也带来一定的影响。因此,需要进一步研究保障性住房合理的空间布局方案和实施途径,优化城市空间结构,在考虑社会公平的前提下尽量解决各类群体的居住与就业问题。 |
| [29] | 居住与就业间的空间组织是城市空间结构的重要组成要素之一，国外自20世纪60年代提出后引发了大量关于弱势群体居住和就业空间机会及其关系的实证研究。近年来在中国城市快速空间重构的背景下，中低收入群体的职住分离现象也引起广泛关注。运用职住空间错位理论，以重庆市主城区公共租赁住房社区为案例进行研究，对541份有效问卷的统计分析表明：①公共租赁住房居民搬迁前通勤距离与通勤时间的均值分别从6．5km与32min，增加到搬迁后的15km与52min；②Logit回归分析表明，群体类型对公共租赁住房居民通勤时间差异影响最为显著，年龄与居民通勤时间呈负相关关系，性别与年龄对通勤时间产生较显著影响。③公共租赁住房供应的政策性因素造成了被动迁移型空间不匹配现象，是其住户的区位选择与主要就业场所不匹配而引发的，因此需要深入研究公共租赁住房合理的空间布局方案和实施途径，尽可能将公共租赁住房区位规划在内城。 . 居住与就业间的空间组织是城市空间结构的重要组成要素之一，国外自20世纪60年代提出后引发了大量关于弱势群体居住和就业空间机会及其关系的实证研究。近年来在中国城市快速空间重构的背景下，中低收入群体的职住分离现象也引起广泛关注。运用职住空间错位理论，以重庆市主城区公共租赁住房社区为案例进行研究，对541份有效问卷的统计分析表明：①公共租赁住房居民搬迁前通勤距离与通勤时间的均值分别从6．5km与32min，增加到搬迁后的15km与52min；②Logit回归分析表明，群体类型对公共租赁住房居民通勤时间差异影响最为显著，年龄与居民通勤时间呈负相关关系，性别与年龄对通勤时间产生较显著影响。③公共租赁住房供应的政策性因素造成了被动迁移型空间不匹配现象，是其住户的区位选择与主要就业场所不匹配而引发的，因此需要深入研究公共租赁住房合理的空间布局方案和实施途径，尽可能将公共租赁住房区位规划在内城。 |
| [30] | This article verifies the hypothesis that a spatial mismatch between jobs and housing exists in two typical low-income housing neighbourhoods, Tangxia and Tongde, in Guangzhou city, where surveys were undertaken. The research shows that the types of residents in Tangxia and Tongde have changed significantly during the past few years. Housing types transferred comprise subsidised rental housing, commercial housing and private lease housing. At the same time, the jobs09“housing mismatch among residents in subsidised rental and commercial houses has become striking. The mechanisms responsible for the mismatch vary from a passive process for residents in subsidised rental housing to an active process for those in commercial housing. In comparison, private lease housing residents do not experience a jobs09“housing mismatch. This result shows that, with the interaction of the legacy of the socialist land and housing market with the new market-orientated system, government still plays an important role in housing supply. This is especially so for low-income families, who face a 0900passive0964 jobs09“housing relocation and mismatch, while the market-orientated parts of the system play an active role in people0964s job09“housing relocation. |
| [31] | 选取位于上海市近郊的宝山区顾村大型社区作为研究对象,采用问卷调查、对比分析、回归分析等方法,分析居民就业以及通勤意愿.在揭示居民总体通勤特征的基础上,比较了购房户、市区拆迁户、农村拆迁户、租房户四类居民群体不同的通勤特征.研究表明:近郊大型社区居民总体上倾向于就近就业,大部分居民实际的通勤时间短于意愿通勤时间中的“可容忍通勤时间”,总体上通勤满意度较高.但不同居民群体的通勤特征存在较大差异.利用通勤距离回归模型及通勤满意度逻辑斯谛回归模型的计算表明:居民通勤距离跟收入、受教育程度、户口类型、家庭规模等因素有一定的关联性,而居民对通勤的满意度除了跟收入相关以外,还受通勤距离及通勤意愿的影响. . 选取位于上海市近郊的宝山区顾村大型社区作为研究对象,采用问卷调查、对比分析、回归分析等方法,分析居民就业以及通勤意愿.在揭示居民总体通勤特征的基础上,比较了购房户、市区拆迁户、农村拆迁户、租房户四类居民群体不同的通勤特征.研究表明:近郊大型社区居民总体上倾向于就近就业,大部分居民实际的通勤时间短于意愿通勤时间中的“可容忍通勤时间”,总体上通勤满意度较高.但不同居民群体的通勤特征存在较大差异.利用通勤距离回归模型及通勤满意度逻辑斯谛回归模型的计算表明:居民通勤距离跟收入、受教育程度、户口类型、家庭规模等因素有一定的关联性,而居民对通勤的满意度除了跟收入相关以外,还受通勤距离及通勤意愿的影响. |
| [32] | 转型期城市空间制度性及结构性变化以及住房、交通等公共服务设施的配置,往往因忽略城市中低收入群体日常活动的时空需求而使其陷入可达性及移动性困境,从而导致城市社会不公平问题。个体日常活动行为的时空特征反映了其对城市空间利用的时空需求,是测度可达性与移动性的基本指标,也是衡量社会排斥、社会剥夺、居住隔离的新维度。采用2007年北京城市居民活动日志调查数据,基于时间地理学对微观个体日常活动的分析框架,借助GIS三维可视化技术,从生活时间分配、工作与非工作活动的时空间分布格局、活动空间测度、移动性等方面,对北京城市中低收入者日常活动的时空间特征进行系统分析。通过城市中低收入者日常活动的时空需求研究,为城市空间优化和时间管理提供参考依据。 . 转型期城市空间制度性及结构性变化以及住房、交通等公共服务设施的配置,往往因忽略城市中低收入群体日常活动的时空需求而使其陷入可达性及移动性困境,从而导致城市社会不公平问题。个体日常活动行为的时空特征反映了其对城市空间利用的时空需求,是测度可达性与移动性的基本指标,也是衡量社会排斥、社会剥夺、居住隔离的新维度。采用2007年北京城市居民活动日志调查数据,基于时间地理学对微观个体日常活动的分析框架,借助GIS三维可视化技术,从生活时间分配、工作与非工作活动的时空间分布格局、活动空间测度、移动性等方面,对北京城市中低收入者日常活动的时空间特征进行系统分析。通过城市中低收入者日常活动的时空需求研究,为城市空间优化和时间管理提供参考依据。 |
| [33] | . |
| [34] | . 以南京市为例,选取交通支出与收入比、出行时耗、站点覆盖率和公交线网密度等指标对城市低收入人群的交通出行现状进行评价,揭示出城市低收入人群在出行中存在经济上的贫困、时间上的贫困、接受服务上的贫困和安全上的贫困等问题。进而从降低出行经济成本、减少出行时间成本、增加公交服务供给和保障慢行交通安全四方面提出了相应对策,以期为制定更为公平的城市交通政策提供依据。 . 以南京市为例,选取交通支出与收入比、出行时耗、站点覆盖率和公交线网密度等指标对城市低收入人群的交通出行现状进行评价,揭示出城市低收入人群在出行中存在经济上的贫困、时间上的贫困、接受服务上的贫困和安全上的贫困等问题。进而从降低出行经济成本、减少出行时间成本、增加公交服务供给和保障慢行交通安全四方面提出了相应对策,以期为制定更为公平的城市交通政策提供依据。 |
| [35] | 职住平衡被新城市主义和精明增长的支持者所倡导,它不仅可以降低小汽车出行,促进城市就业,也关系到社会公平。然而,在西方城市中却经常观察到职住错位现象,特别是居住在内城区的非裔低收入群体,他们接近郊区就业岗位的可达性通常受到局限。本文选择北京作为案例,采取网络OD矩阵分析法,以通勤时间做测度指标,考察居住在可支付性住房中的低收入群体到商业就业中心的就业可达性。研究发现,采取公交方式付出的通勤时间大约为小汽车通勤方式的两倍,这反映了低收入群体和中高收入群体的就业可达性确实因为交通方式的选择而存在差异。虽然通勤时间与可支付住房的区位相关,局部公共交通设施的供给也反映出公共交通设施的供给不足。尤其是在公交车与小汽车出行通勤时间越大的地方,反映出公交设施约薄弱。从时间变化上来看,2004年之后比之前的可支付性住房,无论采取公交还是小汽车出行的平均通勤时间都更长,表明低收入群体在就业可达性上的被置于更不利的境地。与西方经典模型不同,以北京为例的中国城市的职住错位,反映了就业中心仍然集中在城市中心,而可支付性住房通常在远离就业岗位的郊区、公共交通设施供给不足的地方的特性。这将为中国城市未来的可支付性住房布局和交通规划提供启示,提升这些低收入群体的就业可达性,不仅可以降低小汽车的使用机会,促进城市就业,也会对城市中的弱势群体的安居、乐业予以实实在在的关怀。 . 职住平衡被新城市主义和精明增长的支持者所倡导,它不仅可以降低小汽车出行,促进城市就业,也关系到社会公平。然而,在西方城市中却经常观察到职住错位现象,特别是居住在内城区的非裔低收入群体,他们接近郊区就业岗位的可达性通常受到局限。本文选择北京作为案例,采取网络OD矩阵分析法,以通勤时间做测度指标,考察居住在可支付性住房中的低收入群体到商业就业中心的就业可达性。研究发现,采取公交方式付出的通勤时间大约为小汽车通勤方式的两倍,这反映了低收入群体和中高收入群体的就业可达性确实因为交通方式的选择而存在差异。虽然通勤时间与可支付住房的区位相关,局部公共交通设施的供给也反映出公共交通设施的供给不足。尤其是在公交车与小汽车出行通勤时间越大的地方,反映出公交设施约薄弱。从时间变化上来看,2004年之后比之前的可支付性住房,无论采取公交还是小汽车出行的平均通勤时间都更长,表明低收入群体在就业可达性上的被置于更不利的境地。与西方经典模型不同,以北京为例的中国城市的职住错位,反映了就业中心仍然集中在城市中心,而可支付性住房通常在远离就业岗位的郊区、公共交通设施供给不足的地方的特性。这将为中国城市未来的可支付性住房布局和交通规划提供启示,提升这些低收入群体的就业可达性,不仅可以降低小汽车的使用机会,促进城市就业,也会对城市中的弱势群体的安居、乐业予以实实在在的关怀。 |
| [36] | 【Key Words】： |
| [37] | Activity scheduling supports activity-based analysis in travel demand management and promotes a potentially popular traveler assistance service. A multi-objective approach is proposed to schedule joint participation of multiple individuals, in which the candidate space鈥搕ime opportunities for joint participation are identified by a concept of time-varying network-based prisms, and optimal opportunities for joint participation are determined by the non-dominated sorting genetic algorithm-II (NSGA-II) with four objectives (i) minimizing cost for congestion charges, (ii) maximizing participation desirability of time-of-day, (iii) minimizing total travel distance and (iv) time in the trips of multiple individuals. A scenario of joint participation among four people is designed and implemented to demonstrate the feasibility of this approach. The results suggest that this approach has the ability to schedule activities within real situations. |
| [38] | Time geography is a powerful framework for analyzing human activities under various space–time constraints. At the core of time geography is the concept of the space–time prism, which delimits an individual's potential activity locations in space and time. The classical space–time prism, however, admits only deterministic travel speeds and ignores the stochastic nature of travel environments. In this article, the classical space–time prism model is extended to congested road networks with travel time uncertainty. A reliable space–time prism is proposed to consider explicitly an individual's on-time arrival probability concerns in the face of travel time uncertainty. The reliable space–time prism is defined as the set of space–time locations where an individual can participate in an activity and return to his or her destination with a given on-time arrival probability. To construct such a reliable space–time prism in a road network, a solution algorithm is developed. A case study using real-world traffic information is carried out to demonstrate the applicability of the proposed prism model. The results of the case study indicate that the proposed prism model can represent well individuals’ space–time taking into account various on-time arrival probability concerns. |
| [39] | Much research on human mobility patterns and accessibility to date has been conducted largely in Western European and North American countries, where the private vehicle is the main means for commuting. As a result, most studies focused largely on car‐based mobility (automobility) and accessibility, and relatively little is known about countries in other regions of the world. Based on an activity‐travel dataset collected in Sofia, Bulgaria and using 3D geovisualisation, this study attempts to fill this gap through examining gender differences in commute time and potential access to urban opportunities. The results reveal important gender differences in commute time and individual accessibility. Among the surveyed participants, women tend to spend more time on their commute trips and have more restrictive spatial reach to urban opportunities compared with men, largely as a result of their reliance on public transit as their primary mode of transport. Further, women have lower accessibility compared with men who used the same travel mode. This case study adds important new knowledge about a geographical area that has been under‐studied by Anglophone geographers. It also shows that GIS‐based geovisualisation and analysis are powerful tools for uncovering gender differences in the geographical distribution of commute time, which conventional quantitative methods cannot reveal. |
| [40] | Accompanied by higher levels of car ownership, suburbanisation in Western countries has a significant impact on motorised travel and long-distance trips. Chinese cities share some of the suburbanisation trends and patterns of the United States as well as an increasing number of cars, while there are still great contextual variations. Through a comparative study of activity space in two inner suburban areas with different built environments, Beijing in China and Chicago in the US, this paper examines how suburbanisation influences individuals鈥 activity-travel behaviour. The results indicate that changing urban form has a significant impact on activity space. However, the determinants of activity space in Beijing are quite different from those in Chicago. In Beijing, increasing car ownership leads to more differentiation among suburban residents. In Chicago, encouraging high-density land use patterns may lead to more localised activity space. |
| [41] | This paper reports on recent experience with the development of aspace , an Open Source (OS) library for the geographic visualization and analysis of activity-travel behaviour. The paper begins with an overview of recent progress with respect to the convergence of Open Source technology, spatial analysis, and travel behaviour research. The remainder of the paper focuses on aspace; a collection of functions that, when combined with data describing the geographical location of daily activities, can be used to visualize and describe spatial properties of individual and household activity spaces. These properties include: size, orientation, shape, and the geographical dispersion of activity locations contained within the activity space. Several planar geometries are used to transform measurable spatial properties into intuitive objects for visualizing spatial patterns of activity participation. Experiments are conducted, using data from the first wave of the 2003 Toronto Travel Activity Panel Survey, to demonstrate the potential application of aspace for basic and applied policy-based research into activity-travel behaviour. The toolkit is distributed as a downloadable 鈥榩ackage鈥 from the Open Source R Project for Statistical Computing . |
| [42] | Various studies have suggested that aging and the related travel patterns are socially and culturally constructed. China’s specific household structures – with co-residence of seniors, their adult children and grandchildren-are therefore expected to have huge implications on the travel outcomes of the household members. Based on the dataset of Nanjing Residents Travel Survey (2008), the paper attempts to reveal the impacts of the special household structures on travel behaviour of both seniors and young parents. The results indicate that the elderly co-resided with their adult children tend to make much fewer trips and travel shorter distances while spending less time on travel than seniors who live alone or as couples, especially for leisure trips. However, young parents in the ‘extended family’ are inclined to travel longer for commuting in terms of both distance and time, while they make fewer shopping trips, compared to young parents in ‘core families’. |
