Spatial distribution of street vending and its spatial relationship with formal commerce: Quantitative research using distance-based methods
ZHANGYanji通讯作者:
收稿日期:2016-01-8
修回日期:2017-02-12
网络出版日期:2017-04-20
版权声明:2017《地理学报》编辑部本文是开放获取期刊文献,在以下情况下可以自由使用:学术研究、学术交流、科研教学等,但不允许用于商业目的.
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1 引言
伴随着中国市场化和城市化进程的加快,在城市内部逐渐形成了“正规经济—非正规经济”的二元结构[1],并映射于空间结构之中,成为城市景观的有机组成部分。其中,流动商贩作为发展中国家从业规模第二大的非正规就业形式,与正规商业共同形塑了城市商业经济[2-3]。以北京为例,2009年保守估计的流动商贩规模已达20万人左右[4]。在提供便捷服务和廉价商品的同时,流动商贩容易引发交通拥堵、环境卫生等城市问题[5]。政府出于吸引投资和美化景观的考虑,往往采取强制驱离、异地搬迁等清除主义政策,以遏制流动商贩对公共空间的占用[6-7]。但几乎所有的案例研究表明,异地安置的封闭式固定市场远离消费群体,使得部分流动商贩重回街道经营[8]。他们通过改变销售产品、以居民区为掩护、在辖区边界经营等隐性方式,以及直接抗争的显性方式挑战和重构空间政治[9-11];另一些未经规划的非正式市场也在城市中心自发形成,对清除主义政策起到了有效的抵制作用[12]。由于零容忍策略恶化了弱势群体的生存状况,激化了社会冲突,一些城市开始采取弹性疏导的人性化手段,以平衡经济增长和社会稳定的双重目标[13-15]。但在实施过程中,各地的摊贩疏导区不同程度地出现了有的地方供不应求、有的地方却乏人问津的情形,城市街道的空间冲突仍时有发生,相关争议持续发酵[16-18]。
设立摊贩疏导区的可行性和必要性是政策争论的焦点之一。首先,如果流动商贩自发形成的空间特征是分散的,那么集中设置若干疏导区就不符合非正规经济的分布规律,其可行性就会受到制约。其次,如果流动商贩与正规商业之间存在显著的空间共栖(co-location)关系,而非空间互斥(co-dispersion)关系,即流动商贩的存在是为了共享消费者购买的外在性,而非弥补正规商业在空间上的缺失,那么出于交通畅通、公平竞争等考虑,在正规商圈周边新增摊贩疏导区的必要性将引起更多质疑。
既有针对商贩空间分布的研究显示,流动商贩在社区尺度显著集聚,并与人口分布的中心地呈相互耦合关系[19],他们通过集聚分享经验和即时信息、共同抵御监管人员的攻击、分担部分固定资本投入[12, 20];街道的空间界面性质、用地权属和空间舒适度会进一步影响商贩集中设摊的区域[21]。但也有研究发现,流动商贩的区位选址对于人流需求的变化极为敏感[22],由于居住人口相较于产业分布更为分散,流动商贩表现出随人口外迁而向市区周边扩散的趋势[2]。
流动商贩与正规经济的空间分布关系同样存在着两种矛盾的解释。一些案例研究认为,正规与非正规经济可以通过集聚,互补彼此的经营内容并共享购买的外在性,因此共栖分布有利于实现帕累托改进[2, 20]。此外,作为国内外生产和销售网络的组成部分,流动商贩与正规经济存在广泛密切的关联,具有在空间上邻近分布的需要[23]。但另一些研究表明,流动商贩的业态较为低端、经营环境相对恶劣,于是正规商业呈现出与之排斥的分布特征;加之政府为推动中心城区的商业升级和国际化改造,强化了对随意设摊的监管,遏制了流动商贩在商圈周边集聚[24]。
然而,因为非正规经济活动未被纳入正式的统计制度,城市地理学对包括流动商贩在内的非正规经济空间分布仍关注有限,定量研究更为薄弱。如上述案例研究主要局限于街道、社区等微观维度,存在碎片化和代表性等问题[25]。而在宏观维度上,非正规经济是否存在显著集聚及其与正规经济的空间分布关系尚未获得充分认识[26]。实证研究的滞后也制约了相关空间管制政策的科学性水平,使得摊贩疏导区的可行性和必要性问题难以得到解答。
为此,本文利用2010年北京市朝阳区流动商贩和正规商业的点数据,通过DO指数和M函数这两种基于距离的集聚测度方法,分别探究如下两大研究问题:第一,各类流动商贩在空间分布上是否显著集聚?集聚程度如何?集聚在哪个尺度上发生?其集聚格局与正规商业具有怎样的异同?第二,经营内容相似的流动商贩与正规商业在空间分布上表现出显著的共栖、还是互斥关系?在不同尺度上,共栖或互斥的强烈程度有何变化规律?
2 研究数据与方法
2.1 数据说明
本文以北京市朝阳区为研究范围①(①基于距离的集聚测度方法需在一个完整的面域内进行分析,因此研究范围不含朝阳区的飞地,即首都国际机场 地区。),该区为市内面积最大、人口最多的城区,是一个高度多元、涵盖不同城市化阶段特点的区域,既包括CBD、奥运村等高标准建成区,也有不少普通住宅区和工业区,还涉及位于城乡结合部的大量城中村,为探究流动商贩的分布特征提供了多样化的空间背景。流动商贩数据来源于朝阳区数字化城市管理系统中的街道游商数据库。该数据每天由全区1000多位城管监督员实时采集②(②城管监督员每月在不同社区进行轮岗,有助减少因主观督查强度差异所导致的数据偏误。),涵盖流动商贩的经营类型、空间坐标、占地面积等信息,经营内容包含食品贩卖、日用品维修等47种类型。本文选取2010年全年所有的流动商贩数据,总计315785个样本;在剔除经营类型或占地面积等信息不完整的数据后,样本量为315368个。
正规商业使用的是2010年底在北京市工商局注册的企业及个体户数据。本文对商业的界定包括零售业、餐饮业、居民服务业、其它服务业这4个两位数行业(行业代码分别为65、67、82、83)。由于流动商贩的经营类型还含有废品回收,本文将再生物资回收与批发(行业代码为6391)也纳入正规商业范畴,据此整理出区内19589个正规商业点。
根据核密度估计法[27]绘制的流动商贩与正规商业分布图(图1,图2)显示,两者的密度都在一定程度上表现出由市区向城郊逐步衰减的趋势,但高发区域不尽相同。正规商业在建外、朝外等东三环周边的CBD地区密度最高,流动商贩则在东南三环一带的潘家园、劲松以及京通高速沿线的管庄等城乡结合部地区更为密集。
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图1北京市朝阳区流动商贩的核密度分布
-->Fig. 1Kernel density of street vending of Chaoyang District in Beijing
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图2北京市朝阳区正规商业的核密度分布
-->Fig. 2Kernel density of formal commerce of Chaoyang District in Beijing
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在分析各类流动商贩的空间分布特征时,本文剔除了4种样本数少于50个的商贩类型,仅关注43类流动商贩的集聚分散状况。此外,为将流动商贩的空间集聚特征与正规商业进行比较,并厘清两者间的空间分布关系,本文进一步整合18种经营内容相似的商业类型,它们涵盖了56.8%的正规商业点和92.4%的流动商贩样本(表1)。
Tab. 1
表1
表1流动商贩与正规商业的类型匹配
Tab. 1Type matching of street vending and formal commerce
经营内容 | 正规商业类型 | 流动商贩类型 |
---|---|---|
1. 垃圾回收 | 再生物资回收与批发(6391) | 收废品 |
2. 蔬果零售 | 果品、蔬菜零售(6523) | 卖菜、卖水果 |
3. 服装鞋帽零售 | 纺织品及针织品零售(6531)、服装零售(6532)、鞋帽零售(6533) | 卖服装 |
4. 图书报刊零售 | 图书零售(6543)、报刊零售(6544) | 卖书报 |
5. 烟草制品零售 | 烟草制品零售(6526) | 卖烟 |
6. 音像制品零售 | 音像制品及电子出版物零售(6545) | 卖光盘 |
7. 珠宝首饰零售 | 珠宝首饰零售(6546) | 卖饰品 |
8. 工艺品零售 | 工艺美术品及收藏品零售(6547) | 卖工艺品、卖瓷器 |
9. 花卉零售 | 花卉零售(6594) | 卖花 |
10. 家居装潢 | 五金、家具及室内装修材料专门零售(658) | 卖建材、招揽装修 |
11. 餐饮服务 | 正餐服务(671)、快餐服务(672)、饮料及冷饮服务(673)、其他餐饮服务(679) | 卖小吃、卖主食、卖早餐 |
12. 车辆保养 | 汽车、摩托车维修与保养(8311) | 洗车、修车 |
13. 家电维修 | 家用电器修理(8313) | 家电维修清洗 |
14. 日用品维修 | 其他日用品修理(8319) | 修鞋、修沙发、修伞、修纱窗 |
15. 理发美容 | 理发及美容保健服务(8240) | 理发按摩 |
16. 家电零售 | 家用电器及电子产品专门零售(657) | 卖小家电 |
17. 医药产品零售 | 药品及医疗器械专门零售(655) | 保健咨询、游医 |
18. 综合零售 | 百货零售(6511)、超级市场零售(6512)、其他综合零售(6519) | 摊群、卖杂货 |
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2.2 基于距离的集聚测度方法
集聚与分散是经济活动的基本特点。基于面的测度方法(如Gini、EG、Moran等指数)被广泛运用于衡量要素的空间集聚状况。但这类方法均以预设的行政辖区作为分析单元,无法探究各单元内部的要素分布形态,集聚经济在空间上迅速衰减的特征被掩盖了[28]。而且,其在不同尺度的测度结论不可比,存在可塑性面积单元问题(Modifiable Areal Unit Problem, MAUP)[29]。而基于点对(point-pair)距离的测度思路,Duranton和Overman[30-31]提出了DO指数,Marcon和Puech[32-33]提出了M函数。两者能同时满足行业间可比、可控制行业集中程度、可控制总体经济活动集中程度、不同尺度估值具有无偏性、可进行显著性检验等5个标准[30],被证明具有更好的稳健性[34-39]。该方法对数据质量要求较高,规定样本必须是点数据,因而尚未运用于非正规经济的空间分析中。
考虑到DO指数属于概率密度函数,可更敏感地反映要素在不同距离上的局部分布模式,本文用以分析各类流动商贩的空间分布特征。M函数为累积分布函数,能更稳健地反映不同要素在各距离内的总体分布状况[33],故用于探究流动商贩与正规商业之间的空间分布关系。
2.3 DO指数
DO指数的计算主要包括两个步骤:(1)计算所有点对距离的密度,并用核平滑估计点对距离的分布。对于拥有n个点的要素I,任意距离d的核密度估计值KI(d)为:
式中:dij为i与j点的欧式距离;h为最优带宽,f为高斯核密度方程。
在分析商贩点位的基础上,本文还以占地面积为权重。考虑权重的K(d)函数:
式中:e(i)、e(j)分别为商贩i、j的面积。
(2)假设检验。通过蒙特卡洛方法,对n个点在候选点位上的随机分布位置进行1000次模拟③(③考虑到流动商贩与正规商业的选址要求不同,在计算各类流动商贩和正规商业的DO指数时,分别将所有流动商贩和所有正规商业的实际位置作为随机分布的候选点位。),估计相应的KI(d)值,以5%和95%分位数构建局部置信区间。然后对局部极值进行插值,获得要素I在距离d处的全局置信区间上限
2.4 M函数
针对某类流动商贩S1与正规商业S2的空间分布关系,M函数的分析思路为:(1)以任意一个属于参照类型S1的点位P为圆心,在小于或等于r的半径内,搜索属于邻近类型S2的点数量Tr。将Tr除以搜索区内所有点的数量Nr,获得比重值Tr /Nr。
(2)计算所有S1的点位在不同r内的Tr/Nr,可获得任一半径内,邻近S1分布的S2比重均值
(3)若
(4)用蒙特卡洛方法进行1000次随机分布模拟,构建全局置信区间。若r处的M值高于置信区间上限,说明S2在该距离内显著邻近S1分布;若M值低于置信区间下限,表明在该距离内S2显著远离S1分布。
(5)按上述步骤,以S2为参照类型,检验
M函数的数学式为:
式中:c(p, t, r)是哑变量,若p与t点的欧氏距离大于r,则c为0,反之为1;w是点的权重值,不考虑权重时则为1;W、
3 流动商贩的空间分布特征
3.1 各类流动商贩的空间集聚状况
为厘清43类流动商贩的空间集聚状况,本文首先计算各类商贩点位的DO指数;在此基础上,以占地面积作为权重,进一步测度各类商贩面积的DO指数。根据Duranton等的建议[30],本文以所有点对距离的中位数,即12 km作为门槛值,通过R软件拟合第I类流动商贩在0~12 km范围内的KI(d)值、从流动商贩的空间分布状况来看,所有类型的商贩点位均呈显著集聚,Kd曲线表现出单峰型和双峰型两种形态。如洗车类商贩具有双峰型曲线(图3a),在0~2.55 km和6.23~9.28 km的范围内KI (d)>
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图3Kd值及全局置信区间的示例
-->Fig. 3K-density and global confidence bands for illustrative types
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Tab. 2
表2
表2各类流动商贩的总体集聚程度及发生集聚的空间尺度
Tab. 2DO index of localized vending types and its agglomeration scale
未加权 | 加权 | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
摊贩类型 | 集聚程度ΓI | 集聚尺度 | 摊贩类型 | 集聚程度 | 集聚尺度 |
卖唱 | 0.014496 | 0~5.2 | 卖建材 | 0.014666 | 0~3.2 |
招揽住宿的中介 | 0.011779 | 0~2.4, 11.0~11.7 | 招揽住宿的中介 | 0.013838 | 0~2.5 |
卖烟 | 0.011125 | 0~3.0 | 卖烟 | 0.011357 | 0~2.8 |
卖建材 | 0.010441 | 0~3.1, 10.2~11.2 | 卖饰品 | 0.009998 | 0~7.7 |
卖饰品 | 0.010070 | 0~7.8 | 卖唱 | 0.006180 | 0~5.5 |
卖瓷器 | 0.006337 | 0~7.4 | 洗车 | 0.005087 | 0~7.6 |
贴膜 | 0.005938 | 0~2.2, 7.0~11.3 | 卖煤 | 0.004794 | 0~4.9 |
洗车 | 0.004764 | 0~2.6, 6.2~9.3 | 贴膜 | 0.004500 | 0~2.0, 7.9~11.5 |
招揽装修 | 0.004743 | 0~2.6, 10.9~12.0 | 卖瓷器 | 0.003859 | 0~7.0 |
卖书报 | 0.004634 | 0~7.2 | 卖早餐 | 0.003528 | 0~6.5 |
卖早餐 | 0.004552 | 0~6.0 | 理发按摩 | 0.003489 | 0~2.5, 6.6~10.9 |
卖杂货 | 0.003614 | 0~7.5 | 卖杂货 | 0.003314 | 0~7.7 |
卖煤 | 0.003426 | 0~4.2 | 收药 | 0.003293 | 0~3.6 |
卖花 | 0.002951 | 0~6.6 | 卖书报 | 0.003260 | 0~7.1 |
理发按摩 | 0.002612 | 0~2.7, 7.9~11.9 | 现场缝纫 | 0.002452 | 0~2.2 |
收药 | 0.002560 | 0~7.4 | 卖蔬果 | 0.002360 | 0~2.0, 4.8~6.5 |
现场缝纫 | 0.002324 | 0~2.0 | 修车修鞋 | 0.002332 | 0~2.2, 4.9~7.6 |
修车修鞋 | 0.002200 | 0~2.4, 5.0~7.4 | 招揽装修 | 0.002288 | 0~2.3, 11.1~12.0 |
游医 | 0.002118 | 0~2.3, 8.3~9.2 | 修鞋 | 0.001771 | 0~3.0 |
卖菜 | 0.001926 | 0~3.0, 3.5~9.9 | 卖菜 | 0.001488 | 0~2.5, 4.3~9.6 |
卖玩具 | 0.001859 | 0~10.0 | 修车 | 0.00144 | 0~4.8 |
卖光盘 | 0.001841 | 0~5.0 | 游医 | 0.001345 | 0~1.6, 8.1~10.0 |
卖工艺品 | 0.001475 | 0~2.3, 5.7~9.6 | 街头算命 | 0.001341 | 0~1.8 |
卖小动物 | 0.001471 | 0~2.4, 9.3~12.0 | 卖小动物 | 0.001283 | 0~2.5, 9.8~12.0 |
街头算命 | 0.001227 | 0~1.8 | 卖玩具 | 0.001078 | 0~3.3, 6.0~10.5 |
卖服装 | 0.000975 | 0~12.0 | 宣传产品 | 0.000894 | 0~1.7, 11.8~12.0 |
修车 | 0.000917 | 0~3.3 | 卖小吃 | 0.000811 | 0~8.9 |
收废品 | 0.000852 | 0~5.3, 10.7~12.0 | 卖工艺品 | 0.000783 | 0~3.2, 6.6~8.9 |
卖小吃 | 0.000805 | 0~8.9 | 收废品 | 0.000729 | 0~4.6, 10.2~12.0 |
修鞋 | 0.000698 | 0~2.0 | 卖花 | 0.000564 | 0~4.6 |
摊群 | 0.000506 | 0~2.6, 10.8~12.0 | 夜市排档 | 0.000473 | 0~1.5 |
保健咨询 | 0.000433 | 0~1.4, 3.9~5.7 | 推销保险 | 0.000433 | 0~0.3, 6.4~11.9 |
家电维修清洗 | 0.000395 | 0~2.0 | 卖服装 | 0.000396 | 0~0.8, 9.7~12.0 |
推销保险 | 0.000359 | 0~0.4, 9.7~12.0 | 摊群 | 0.000354 | 0~2.1 |
卖小家电 | 0.000327 | 0~1.6 | 卖光盘 | 0.000346 | 0~1.8 |
修纱窗 | 0.000264 | 0~1.3, 11.6~12.0 | 卖主食 | 0.000334 | 0~1.5, 10.9~12.0 |
宣传产品 | 0.000112 | 0~1.2, 11.9~12.0 | 修纱窗 | 0.000319 | 0~1.4, 11.8~12.0 |
卖主食 | 0.000106 | 0~0.4, 10.7~12.9 | 家电维修清洗 | 0.000314 | 0~1.7, 4.3~5.3 |
磨刀 | 0.000095 | 0~1.1, 11.4~12.0 | 保健咨询 | 0.000304 | 0~1.5 |
卖水果 | 0.000064 | 6.9~9.4 | 磨刀 | 0.000149 | 0~0.7, 10.9~12.0 |
卖蔬果 | 0.000041 | 0~0.6 | 卖小家电 | 0.000148 | 0~0.9 |
夜市排档 | 0.000021 | 0~0.5, 11.9~12.0 | |||
无法归类的商贩 | 0.000007 | 0~0.3 |
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现场缝纫类商贩则具有单峰型曲线(图3b),当d为25 m时,ΓI(d)便取得最大值,此后该值随距离增加而不断降低,并在2 km后由正转负。由此可见,该类商贩超过上包迹线部分的Kd曲线只有一个波峰,而且往往在极小的空间尺度上就达到了集聚程度的极值。不过,集聚程度在空间尺度扩大后不断减弱,在大于某个尺度的临界值后,该类商贩不再显著集聚。另外,该类商贩集群之间的间隔距离并不明显。除现场缝纫外,售卖早餐、饰品、书报等类型的流动商贩也表现为单峰型曲线(表2)。
在将占地面积作为权重后,大部分类型的流动商贩仍呈显著集聚,而且各类商贩面积的总体集聚程度
总的来看,尽管各类流动商贩的总体集聚程度及发生集聚的空间尺度不尽相同,但43类商贩点位和41类商贩面积均在0~300 m的极小空间尺度上显著集聚(表2)。此外,本文发现,商贩的集聚程度与该类商贩的发生概率之间存在一定关联。ΓI和
3.2 流动商贩的整体集聚特征
在得到各类商贩的Kd曲线及置信区间的基础上,本节将每个距离上所有商贩类型的全局集聚指数进行加总,即依Γ(d)=显示原图|下载原图ZIP|生成PPT
图4不同距离上流动商贩的整体集聚程度和种类数
-->Fig. 4Γd and number of localized types of vending by distance
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同时,本文依Γemp(d)=
3.3 流动商贩与正规商业的集聚特征比较
为了对流动商贩与正规商业的空间集聚状况进行比较,本文还计算了18种经营内容相似的正规商业与流动商贩的Kd曲线、全局置信区间和反映两者整体集聚程度的Γ(d)值。虽然正规商业与流动商贩还可分别以就业人数和占地面积作为权重,但为避免不同变量间不可比,本文暂不考虑权重问题。如上所述,18类流动商贩仍具有显著集聚的空间格局;而在正规商业中,只有三分之二的类型表现出显著的集聚分布,花卉零售、音像制品零售、蔬果零售、日用品维修、工艺品零售这5类正规商业呈随机分布,车辆维修保养则具有显著分散的格局。这初步反映出部分正规商业的空间集聚程度弱于流动商贩。
就整体集聚程度而言,两者的Γ曲线均为单峰型分布(图5)。但在空间尺度小于10.4 km的范围内,流动商贩的集聚程度始终强于正规商业,呈显著集聚的流动商贩类型数量也在大部分空间尺度上多于正规商业。更为重要的差异是,流动商贩在450 m的空间尺度上就达到了最大集聚程度,正规商业则为2.2 km;而且流动商贩整体集聚程度的最大值约为正规商业的7.8倍。综上所述,相较于正规商业,流动商贩在更小的空间尺度上呈现出更为强烈的空间集聚。
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图5流动商贩与正规商业整体集聚程度和种类数的比较
-->Fig. 5Comparison of Gd and number of localized types between vending and formal commerce
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4 流动商贩与正规商业的空间分布关系
为进一步明晰流动商贩与正规商业之间是否存在空间共栖或互斥关系,本节沿用上述原则[30],以所有点对距离的中值17.22 km作为门槛值,在R软件中分别对18种经营内容相似的流动商贩与正规商业点位进行M函数运算。结果显示,M函数的曲线分布存在两种典型形态。其中,在家具装潢业中,无论是以流动商贩、还是以正规商业作为参照类型,
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图6 M值及全局置信区间的示例
注:a、c图以流动商贩为参照类型、正规商业为邻近类型;b、d图以正规商业为参照类型、流动商贩为邻近类型。
-->Fig. 6M function and global confidence bands for illustrative types
-->
除家具装潢业以外的其余商业类型,都仅在较小尺度内具有空间互斥关系;但在较大尺度内,
总体而言,M函数的分析结果具有3个共性(表3):① M值在两种不同参照类型的运算中,没有在同一尺度内发生同时超过置信区间上限的情况。这表明,在18种商业类型中,流动商贩与正规商业在所有空间尺度均未表现出显著共栖的分布格局。② 在18种类型中,流动商贩与正规商业之间均存在显著的空间互斥关系,而且在越小的空间范围内,呈互斥格局的商业类型就越多。如在300 m、1 km、3 km和5 km的空间尺度上,分别有18种(100%)、16种(89%)、12种(67%)和8种(44%)类型具有显著的互斥关系。③ 各类型的M值都显现出由0逐步趋近于1的态势,表明空间尺度越小,正规商业与流动商贩之间的互斥程度会愈加强烈。
Tab. 3
表3
表3M函数的分布形态及空间尺度
Tab. 3M function of street vending and formal commerce
经营类型 | 流动商贩为参照类型;正规商业为邻近类型( | 正规商业为参照类型;流动商贩为邻近类型( | 两者显著互斥 的尺度 | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
M<下包迹线 | 下包迹线<M<上包迹线 | M>上包迹线 | M<下包迹线 | 下包迹线<M<上包迹线 | M>上包迹线 | ||||
1. 垃圾回收 | 0~17.2 | - | - | 0~11.2 | 11.9~14.6, 15.5~16.4 | 14.6~15.5, 16.4~17.2 | 0~11.2 | ||
2. 蔬果零售 | 0~1.1 | - | - | 0~10.3 | 10.3~17.2 | - | 0~1.1 | ||
3. 服装鞋帽零售 | 0~4.1 | 4.1~6.9, 9.5~15.5 | 6.9~9.5 15.5~17.2 | 0~17.2 | - | - | 0~4.1 | ||
4. 图书报刊零售 | 0~3.9 | 3.9~17.2 | - | 0~17.2 | - | - | 0~3.9 | ||
5. 烟草制品零售 | 0~8.6, 12.9~17.2 | 8.6~10.3 | 10.3~12.9 | 0~8.6 | 8.6~12.9 | 12.9~17.2 | 0~8.6 | ||
6. 音像制品零售 | 0~1.1, 1.9~2.6 | 1.1~1.9, 2.6~17.2 | - | 0~0.3, 1.7~3.4 | 0.3~1.7, 3.4~17.2 | - | 0~0.3, 1.9~2.6 | ||
7. 珠宝首饰零售 | 0~1.7, 6.0~9.5 | 1.7~6.0, 9.5~17.2 | - | 0~3.0, 3.9~5.2 | 3.0~3.9, 5.2~8.2, 14.6~17.2 | 8.2~14.6 | 0~1.7 | ||
8. 工艺品零售 | 0~3.4, 13.8~15.5 | 3.4~13.8, 15.5~17.2 | - | 0~4.7, 5.6~6.0 | 4.7~5.6, 6.0~17.2 | - | 0~3.4 | ||
9. 花卉零售 | 0~3.2 | 3.2~17.2 | - | 0~16.4 | 16.4~17.2 | - | 0~3.2 | ||
10. 家居装潢 | 0~17.2 | - | - | 0~17.2 | - | - | 0~17.2 | ||
11. 餐饮服务 | 0~10.3 | 10.3~12.1 | 12.1~17.2 | 0~17.2 | - | - | 0~10.3 | ||
12. 车辆保养 | 0~6.0 | 6.0~17.2 | - | 0~13.8 | 13.8~17.2 | - | 0~6.0 | ||
13. 家电维修 | 0~2.8 | 2.8~7.3, 13.8~17.2 | 7.3~13.8 | 0~6.5, 7.3~7.8 | 6.5~7.3, 7.8~17.2 | - | 0~2.8 | ||
14. 日用品维修 | 0~1.7 | 1.7~17.2 | - | 0~0.4 | 0.4~17.2 | - | 0~0.4 | ||
15. 理发美容 | 0~4.7, 11.2~13.8 | 4.7~5.2, 8.2~11.2, 13.8~14.6, | 5.2~8.2, 14.6~17.2 | 0~17.2 | - | - | 0~4.7, 11.2~13.8 | ||
16. 家电零售 | 0~4.1 | 4.1~17.2 | - | 0~2.2 | 2.2~5.6, 6.5~17.2 | 5.6~6.5 | 0~2.2 | ||
17. 医药产品零售 | 0~17.2 | - | - | 0~6.0 | 6~8.6 | 8.6~17.2 | 0~6.0 | ||
18. 综合零售 | 0~10.3 | 10.3~16.4 | 16.4~17.2 | 0~17.2 | - | - | 0~10.3 |
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5 结论与讨论
本文利用北京市朝阳区数字化城市管理系统中的流动商贩数据和在工商局注册的正规商业数据,首次通过基于距离的集聚测度方法DO指数和M函数,在宏观尺度定量识别了各类流动商贩的空间集聚状况及其与正规商业的空间分布关系,以克服传统方法存在的MAUP问题,并弥补既有研究集中于微观案例的不足。从流动商贩的空间分布特征来看,其呈现的集聚或分散格局与空间尺度有关。绝大多数类型的流动商贩及其占地面积均在小尺度上显著集聚,且在250~300 m左右的范围内达到整体集聚程度的最大值,远小于正规商业达到集聚峰值时的尺度范围。但随着尺度增加,流动商贩的整体集聚程度迅速降低,呈显著集聚的商贩类型数量也显现出不断减少的趋势。由此可见,流动商贩具有“小尺度高度集聚、大尺度逐步分散”的空间格局。在小尺度上,流动商贩通过集聚分享购买的外在性、抵御外部的不确定性、共享经营经验。加之无须遵从正规商业的用地区划规范,流动商贩对市场需求的空间响应更加直接、也更为敏感。在大尺度上,有效需求始终是形塑流动商贩空间分布的核心动因,人口、就业等要素在地理上的扩展和蔓延使得可供商贩选址的区位逐渐分散化,其集聚程度随之消减。
从流动商贩与正规商业的空间分布关系来看,经营内容相近的各类流动商贩与正规商业之间均呈显著的空间互斥关系,而非共栖关系;而且空间尺度越小,两者的互斥程度就越为强烈。这一方面表明,流动商贩周边缺乏足够的正规商业,各类商贩自发填补了商业供给的空白。事实上,朝阳区流动商贩的集聚区域大多位于低收入人口和外来人口集中、公共服务水平相对较低的地区[19],廉价、便捷的流动商贩缓解了正规商业设施不足的问题。从另一方面来看,由于具有一定的竞争关系,正规商业对周边经营内容相似的流动商贩存在空间上的排斥;而政府出于规避不公平竞争、缓解交通拥堵和维护环境品质等考虑,进一步遏制了正规商圈周边的摊贩集聚。
综上所述,尽管富有流动性,商贩的空间分布并非是无章可循的,其规律对于建立摊贩疏导区深具启示意义。首先,小尺度高度集聚的空间特征为设置疏导区提供了可行性。疏导区的规模不宜也无须过大,250 m左右的范围即可满足一个典型商贩集群的场地需要。其次,稳定的消费需求、以及由政府管制所激化的空间冲突反映出摊贩疏导区的必要性。尤其是对正规商业供给不足的欠发达区域、或缺乏购买力的中低收入居民而言,流动商贩是他们获得廉价产品和便捷服务的重要途径。至于摊贩疏导区的选址,应首要考虑在前期规划中缺乏基本生活服务或商业配套的区域;同时,可建立长期定点、临时弹性等多种类型的疏导区。受城区空间限制,长期设置的疏导点数量有限,应安排需求相对较少、集聚程度较高的商贩类型;临时弹性的疏导点则须邻近居民区布置,数量可多于固定型疏导点,并安排与日常生活紧密相关、集聚程度相对较低的食品、维修等类型的商贩入驻。为避免影响交通和居民生活,可对其经营时间加以规制。
致谢:感谢宁波大学城市科学系的袁海红博士和中国人民大学城市规划与管理系的秦波教授对本文数据分析的指导!
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
参考文献 原文顺序
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被引期刊影响因子
[1] | . , 正认识中国国情,特别是认识中国现代社会的基本性质和基本矛盾,乃是认清中国现代化发展问题的根本依据,也是确定中国现代化发展战略的理论基础。中国现代社会的基本矛盾是传统农业经济与现代工业经济的矛盾,突出地表现为城市与乡村之间的结构矛盾,包括传统农业与工业化、农村与城市等矛盾。这一矛盾决定了中国发展的就是实现工业化、城市化和现代化的基本任务,~①也是认识现代中国经济社会转型道路的基本线索。一、问题的提出:从二元结构到四元结构 . , 正认识中国国情,特别是认识中国现代社会的基本性质和基本矛盾,乃是认清中国现代化发展问题的根本依据,也是确定中国现代化发展战略的理论基础。中国现代社会的基本矛盾是传统农业经济与现代工业经济的矛盾,突出地表现为城市与乡村之间的结构矛盾,包括传统农业与工业化、农村与城市等矛盾。这一矛盾决定了中国发展的就是实现工业化、城市化和现代化的基本任务,~①也是认识现代中国经济社会转型道路的基本线索。一、问题的提出:从二元结构到四元结构 |
[2] | . , Since the 1950s, the rapid growth of Istanbul has stimulated a wide range of retail activities. Notable among those are the periodic markets, a basic type of informal exchange mechanism supported by continuous rural migration into Istanbul. The availability of fresh produce and inexpensive goods combined with the locational convenience and enjoyable atmosphere make periodic markets widely attractive, and their number and size rapidly increased between 1980 and 2002. The paper investigates the relationship between the number and size of periodic markets in various districts of Istanbul to their population, income and distance to CBD using regression. The results show a positive correlation between the number of periodic markets and the number of traders serving the periodic markets and the population of the districts, and the number of markets increased toward the periphery following population growth. Retailers, customers, shopkeepers and residents in the surrounding areas of the periodic markets were surveyed there are complaints about pollution, traffic congestion, noise and lack of parking place on market days. |
[3] | . , Chapter 1 of this report reviews developments at the international level with regard to measuring the informal economy. Chapter 2 presents, for the first time, national data from 47 countries and territories, most of them concerning informal employment inside and outside the informal sector. Also national data on employment in the informal economy for 13 countries covering more than one year are presented. This chapter includes a section on the economic contribution of the informal sector and informal employment. Chapter 3 focuses on statistics concerning non-standard employment in developed countries. Chapter 4 presents statistics prepared by WIEGO on specific groups of urban informal workers, and explains the methods used for identifying these groups. This chapter includes recent ILO regional and global estimates of domestic work. Chapter 5 revisits and updates a plan of action for improving statistics on the informal economy and their dissemination. Annex 1 describes data coverage on informal employment and employment, both within and outside the informal sector, for all the regions, while annex 2 contains country-specific tables and explanatory notes, with information on the methodology used for compiling the data shown in the tables. |
[4] | [D]. , [D]. , |
[5] | . , ABSTRACT Provide a general contemporary overview of street vending around the world, focusing on the major issues underlying its permanence as a phenomenon, and the ambivalent attitudes displayed towards it by governments and off-street business communities. Focuses on street vendors as an occupational group ad includes arguments for and against their existence, the impact of their geographical and economic location, and role of the government. |
[6] | . , |
[7] | . , ABSTRACT Much of the discussion surrounding neoliberal urbanism has been empirically grounded in the North. This paper shifts the discussion south to focus on the regulation of indigenous street vendors and beggars in the Andean nation of Ecuador. Inspired by zero tolerance policies from the North, the cities of Quito and Guayaquil have recently initiated urban regeneration projects to cleanse the streets of informal workers, beggars, and street children. In this paper, I explore the particular and pernicious ways in which these neoliberal urban policies affect indigenous peoples in the urban informal sector. Grounded in the literature on space, race and ethnicity in the Andes, I argue that Ecuador's particular twist on revanchism is through its more transparent engagement with the project of blanqueamiento or “whitening”. I further argue that Ecuador's “refinement” of revanchist urban policies only works to displace already marginalised individuals and push them into more difficult circumstances. |
[8] | . , The resurgence of informal street trading poses serious challenges for local officials responsible for the maintenance of public space. This article contextualises the tension between public space recuperation and informality, providing a detailed case study of Bogot0103, Colombia (population 7.6 million). From 1988 to 2003, Bogot0103's mayors implemented one of the most ambitious public space campaigns in Latin America. The `tipping-points' behind Bogot0103's transition are illuminated with emphasis on the introduction of free mayoral elections and the enervation of informal vendor unions. Using a cohort panel design, this research also examines the working conditions and occupational hazards faced by vendors both before and after relocation to government-built markets. It reveals how formalised vendors experienced declining income levels, but improved working conditions. The final section examines public policy implications and the extent to which Bogot0103's experience follows traditional models of public space planning in Latin America and the Caribbean. |
[9] | . , 近年来,针对某些群体的复仇型或后公正空间政治成为西方城市地理学理解20世纪80年代以来城市转型的重要理论。现有的研究注意到了这种空间政治嵌入地方的多样形态,但对其内含的对立性缺乏研究。中国社会转型过程中发生的现实空间矛盾为开展我国背景下的公共空间政治研究提供了源泉。本文基于列菲弗尔的基本空间理论,采用结构—能动的分析路径,运用宏观的政策和制度分析与对典型案例的观察、半结构式访谈、深度访谈相结合的综合方法,以摊贩现象为切入点对90年代以来广州城市空间政治进行了研究。研究表明,一种排斥性公共空间政治内在地包含了由结构性的规训与能动性的反规训构成的对立性,这一特性在广州表现为①对摊贩的排斥性空间政治是作为解决发展的潜在危机而实施综合环境改善战略的组成部分而产生,并导致一种更为明显的“全景敞视主义”式规训机制的形成。②对立的空间通过摊贩日常式的伺机而动和温顺的不遵守与插曲式的个体暴力和集体行动而形成,结果战略空间被重构为以维持个体生存、摆脱贫困和追求自由为目的的工具空间。这种对立性在根源上是一种社会产物,而产生的实际冲突状况则将取决于空间发展观念及规训策略与反规训力量两者之间的对抗或协调程度。 . , 近年来,针对某些群体的复仇型或后公正空间政治成为西方城市地理学理解20世纪80年代以来城市转型的重要理论。现有的研究注意到了这种空间政治嵌入地方的多样形态,但对其内含的对立性缺乏研究。中国社会转型过程中发生的现实空间矛盾为开展我国背景下的公共空间政治研究提供了源泉。本文基于列菲弗尔的基本空间理论,采用结构—能动的分析路径,运用宏观的政策和制度分析与对典型案例的观察、半结构式访谈、深度访谈相结合的综合方法,以摊贩现象为切入点对90年代以来广州城市空间政治进行了研究。研究表明,一种排斥性公共空间政治内在地包含了由结构性的规训与能动性的反规训构成的对立性,这一特性在广州表现为①对摊贩的排斥性空间政治是作为解决发展的潜在危机而实施综合环境改善战略的组成部分而产生,并导致一种更为明显的“全景敞视主义”式规训机制的形成。②对立的空间通过摊贩日常式的伺机而动和温顺的不遵守与插曲式的个体暴力和集体行动而形成,结果战略空间被重构为以维持个体生存、摆脱贫困和追求自由为目的的工具空间。这种对立性在根源上是一种社会产物,而产生的实际冲突状况则将取决于空间发展观念及规训策略与反规训力量两者之间的对抗或协调程度。 |
[10] | , The alternative ‘diverse economies’ vision of J. K. Gibson-Graham and supporters regarding how people make a living outside the capitalist framework, lists street vendors and informal economies of the global South as potential components. This article critiques the relevance of this vision for street vendor livelihoods in a politically socialist locale, albeit one embracing neo-liberal modernity. In their drive to create a modern, ‘civilised’ capital, Vietnam’s central government and Hanoi’s municipal authorities have a particular image of security, orderliness and development. Street vendors disrupt this picture and since 2008 have been negotiating a ban in many preferred locales. Building upon urban livelihoods, everyday politics and resistance concepts, an analysis is made of in-depth interviews with itinerant and fixed-stall vendors to unravel their heterogeneous responses to such revanchist policies. Despite subtle covert and overt resistance tactics, the study reveals that celebrated ‘community economies’ and alternative economic visions remain rare in this context. |
[11] | . , ABSTRACT The focus of recent studies on street vending in Latin American cities has made a noteworthy shift from street vendors' conflicts with local governments to their resistance strategies. These studies explore how street vendors organize themselves against political repression and consider resistance in terms of collective action or organized protest. However, this article challenges this narrow focus on collective resistance strategies by analysing street vendors' collective and individual strategies for dealing with intensified control and for challenging the measures used by local governments. Drawing on the empirical case of itinerant street vendors in the tourist streets of Cusco, Peru, the article shows that these vendors adopt multiple and fragmented practices of political agency that enable them to make a livelihood in tourism. These less explicit and often more individualized ways of expressing agency are crucial to better understand how itinerant vendors manage to remain in the tourist streets of Cusco. They also explain why some vendors are more powerful than others in challenging repressive policies and benefiting from the global industry that is tourism. |
[12] | . , Using evidence from Cusco, Peru, the paper examines the effects of the planned displacement of informal traders from city-centre streets. Although more than 3500 traders were relocated to new off-centre markets, the research identifies the emergence of `unplanned' alternative city-centre locations for informal trade, especially the new courtyard markets. The municipal-led changes, influenced strongly by concerns to enhance tourism, reveal a process which displays many of the hallmarks of gentrification. Lower-class traders were displaced from city-centre streets for the benefit of middle-class tourists and local people. There was also gentrification of the trading activity itself: by manipulating stall allocation and pricing structures to exclude the poorest traders from the new higher-quality municipal markets. The changing pattern of informal trading can be viewed as an unconventional `barometer' of the progress of policy-led gentrification, applicable to other cities in the developing world. |
[13] | . , Informal trading in the global South, particularly in Latin America, is the subject of revanchist urban policy and yet few studies have examined the longer-term impacts of such intolerant policies on traders. This article explores the evolution and impacts of revanchist policies directed at informal traders in the Andean city of Cusco. It makes two key contributions. First, it documents a shift from early revanchist policies to a post-revanchist era where policies have become more tolerant of informal traders. However, contemporary policies fall short of a supportive environment for informal trading, hence the authors recommend changes that will ensure informal traders can access the city's streets and become an accepted part of the urban fabric. Second, given the lack of theoretical attention given to the impacts of revanchism, a battlegrounds framework is developed, consisting of spatial, political, economic and socio-cultural battlegrounds. This framework provides a comprehensive insight into the complex set of interactions that exist between informal traders and the state. It is hoped that the framework will provide a tool for further research into the highly damaging impacts of revanchism across the globe. |
[14] | . , ABSTRACT By focusing on Guangzhou's street-vending policy transformation, this article explores how exclusionary practices of urban politics in China are undermined by those who it seeks to exclude and the progressive political climate that questions the exclusionary framework. The exclusion of street vendors in Guangzhou has been led by the National Sanitary City campaign as a revanchist project. It has been discovered that while the exclusionary strategies are rendered difficult to operate due to the resistance of street vendors who develop a flexible, individualized and small-scale activism to maintain their livelihoods, the discourse of social harmony at national level has driven local authorities to seek alternatives expected to alleviate social resistance and address people's livelihoods. However, rather than an overturn of the punitive framework, an ambivalent approach, recognized in a recent critique of revanchism, has been adopted to mediate the tension between the needs to retain attractive city images and address the livelihoods of the poor in Chinese cities. |
[15] | . , ABSTRACT Street vending faces uncertain state responses in contemporary Chinese cities, though it plays an important role in sustaining the livelihood of urban migrants. Building on the critical perspective that understands informality as a production of the state, this paper explores the nature of the regulation of street vending in Guangzhou since 1949. The state regulatory practices are characterized by what we call historical ambivalence and geographical ambivalence, which refer to the inconsistency in policies, which fluctuate between soft and hard approaches over time, and the mix of contradictory regulatory measures applied in different urban spaces, respectively. Ambivalence is generated because the state addresses street vending in ways that attain the overarching objective of urban policies. In particular, the exclusion of street vendors in present-day China is not historically natural but driven and sustained by the government pursuit of a good city image favorable for attracting capital in the context of intensifying inter-urban competition. The definition of informality is not a neutral classification. Rather, declaring when and to what extent an informal practice is tolerable depends on what the state desires in a specific historical circumstance. |
[16] | . , In 1997, the financial crisis seriously damaged the Thai economy and led to the closing of many companies. Previously, it had been believed that laid-off workers would mostly return to rural employment or part-time urban tasks. However, research among street vendors in Bangkok reveals that many of the retrenched workers preferred to, and did, remain in the city and put to use their latent business and entrepreneurial skills to practice by establishing their own informal businesses. This group of vendors tends to dominate these activities, often through business savvy, with experience in the formal sector. Instead of the “street” image of vendors being that of domestic migrants, the “new generation” of vendors is evolving into something more complex. The paper focuses on documenting and understanding the phenomenon of new generation street vendors. We attempt to derive lessons from the 1997 economic crisis to improve the transition of vendors from the formal to “new” informal sector under current, and likely worsening, economic conditions. This paper analyses how and why these two groups express themselves and how they respond differently to the socio-economic and political forces that have an impact on the urban space they share. It then considers whether policy makers should regard street vending as a viable part of the economy which is not transitional but more permanent and should be regarded as an important part of the urban economy of industrializing nations such as Thailand. |
[17] | . , . , |
[18] | . , 摊贩治理是我国城市社会空间矛盾的重要问题。本文在分析广州摊贩空间疏导模式的基础上,以案例研究揭示了疏导区成功的微观要素。与此前的强制性控制不同,空间疏导体现了一种政府主导、社会力量参与、多方利益主体协调的管治模式。研究认为,有效的疏导区需要满足摊贩的需求以使其入区之后获得比入区前更好的收益,具体而言需要包含以下要素:①合适的区位,靠近主要人流路线、使摊贩与正规经济形成集聚和互补关系并延续原有的社会关系;②维持摊贩的低成本优势;③形成规模化的多样商品集市;④清洁、安全和有序的经营空间;⑤提供有保障的空间使用权和经营权。 . , 摊贩治理是我国城市社会空间矛盾的重要问题。本文在分析广州摊贩空间疏导模式的基础上,以案例研究揭示了疏导区成功的微观要素。与此前的强制性控制不同,空间疏导体现了一种政府主导、社会力量参与、多方利益主体协调的管治模式。研究认为,有效的疏导区需要满足摊贩的需求以使其入区之后获得比入区前更好的收益,具体而言需要包含以下要素:①合适的区位,靠近主要人流路线、使摊贩与正规经济形成集聚和互补关系并延续原有的社会关系;②维持摊贩的低成本优势;③形成规模化的多样商品集市;④清洁、安全和有序的经营空间;⑤提供有保障的空间使用权和经营权。 |
[19] | . , 非正规经济已成为城市经济的重要组成部分,然而目前仍然缺乏以城市或区域为尺度、以空间统计为方法的非正规经济空间结构研究。流动商贩是非正规经济的重要部门,结合地统计方法(Geo-Statistics)和空间结构模型,研究北京市朝阳区流动商贩区内分布。研究发现:区域内流动商贩分布呈现出显著的集聚分布,并在区内具有多个中心地。其与人口的中心地相互耦合,反映出居民需求在形塑流动商贩集聚格局中的重要影响,以及非正规经济的依附性特点。而流动商贩与正规商业的中心地在本区域并不吻合,两者并没有发生明显的集聚,这也从一个侧面反映了北京的城市空间分异。 . , 非正规经济已成为城市经济的重要组成部分,然而目前仍然缺乏以城市或区域为尺度、以空间统计为方法的非正规经济空间结构研究。流动商贩是非正规经济的重要部门,结合地统计方法(Geo-Statistics)和空间结构模型,研究北京市朝阳区流动商贩区内分布。研究发现:区域内流动商贩分布呈现出显著的集聚分布,并在区内具有多个中心地。其与人口的中心地相互耦合,反映出居民需求在形塑流动商贩集聚格局中的重要影响,以及非正规经济的依附性特点。而流动商贩与正规商业的中心地在本区域并不吻合,两者并没有发生明显的集聚,这也从一个侧面反映了北京的城市空间分异。 |
[20] | . , Around the globe, streets and sidewalks in cities are being contested as spaces that should be used for more than transportation. This article challenges our understanding of both property rights and public space by applying a property rights framework to situate sidewalk use debates. It analyzes and maps the sidewalk property regimes of Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, through a novel integration of surveying and ethnography. The case illuminates the feasibility of a mixed-use sidewalk that can be shared between various kinds of uses and users. A mixed-use sidewalk that is both cooperative and livable is possible if planners incorporate time into planning space in order to expand the sidewalk's flexibility and if local society can renarrate and enforce new legitimacies on the sidewalk. Sidewalk space deserves more attention as an important public space. In this era of historic urbanization, one should reconceive sidewalks as a mixed-use space rather than an exclusively pedestrian zone. Moreover, North American planners would benefit from engaging with public space experiments happening in cities in the developing world. |
[21] | . , 流动商贩的空间分布有较大的临时性和变化性,但在各种不同因素的影响下,也具有一定的特征性。研究其分布特征和影响因素对从空间上引导该非正规经济的发展具有积极意义,而已有从空间角度出发的非正规经济研究成果较少。本文主要采用实证研究的方法,选取广州中山大道西路段的流动商贩为典型案例,从空间的角度对流动商贩这种非正规经济来进行研究。研究发现,流动商贩的空间分布具有时间、空间和类型构成三个特征。影响其分布特征的空间界面因素包括界面用地性质、权属以及界面空间特征等,揭示流动摊贩空间集聚的根源,为城市的规划管理和建设提供一定参考。 . , 流动商贩的空间分布有较大的临时性和变化性,但在各种不同因素的影响下,也具有一定的特征性。研究其分布特征和影响因素对从空间上引导该非正规经济的发展具有积极意义,而已有从空间角度出发的非正规经济研究成果较少。本文主要采用实证研究的方法,选取广州中山大道西路段的流动商贩为典型案例,从空间的角度对流动商贩这种非正规经济来进行研究。研究发现,流动商贩的空间分布具有时间、空间和类型构成三个特征。影响其分布特征的空间界面因素包括界面用地性质、权属以及界面空间特征等,揭示流动摊贩空间集聚的根源,为城市的规划管理和建设提供一定参考。 |
[22] | . , ABSTRACT Informal trade is a historically rooted and empirically important livelihood in Andean America. This paper examines the spatial dimensions of informal commerce by documenting and analyzing the locational patterns and preferences of streetvendors and the locational constraints imposed on their activities in six Peruvian cities. The interplay of streetvendor needs and municipal exigencies is found to determine the spatio-temporal behavior of streetvendors. A fundamental shift in municipal policy to a more pragmatic attitude toward streetvending is noted. |
[23] | . , Abstract This study contributes to the current debate on the urban informal sector surrounding its heterogeneous structure, the range of urban employment forms, and the nature of its integration into the national and global economy. I argue that these debates are characterized by a strong bias toward production and the manufacturing sector. This paper examines the way small vendors are linked to national and global systems of production and distribution and how this creates differences among informal workers with respect to income, profit levels, and socioeconomic well-being. Field research carried out in Quito, Ecuador, demonstrates that informal trade is differentiated by a variety of characteristics that lead to a continuum of economic and social well-being, ranging from pure survival to ownership of well-established businesses. Key economic variables that define vendors' economic conditions are associated with product and capital supply linkages. Based on these findings, I develop a typology of informal traders (employing cluster analysis), representing the heterogeneous structure of the trade sector. I conclude that informal traders cannot be viewed as independent workers involved in subsistence activities, but that sophisticated distribution systems incorporating urban informal vendors operate at local, national, and international levels. |
[24] | . , ABSTRACT Informal commerce, characterized by market and street trading activities, thrives in the central areas of many Latin American cities. Focusing on the neglected spatial dimension of informal commerce, the paper traces its considerable expansion in the historic centre of Quito in Ecuador since the early 1970s and examines the issues which have prompted municipal intervention. An early municipal response involves some attempts at redistribution of informal commerce, justified by essentially functional issues such as hygiene and congestion. However, the introduction of conservation policy and the way this policy evolved to embrace a broad concern for the urban environment is associated with the emergence of an aesthetic/cultural discourse in attitudes towards informal commerce. The authorities are increasingly motivated towards 'selling' a new image of the historic centre and encouraging new economies oriented towards the tourist and a relatively wealthy clientele. Moves to exclude informal commerce have concentrated on the most visible spaces, particularly those of the principal squares. Although informal trade hidden from view continues to thrive, only time and further research will show whether the re-presentation of the historic centre and the promotion of new economies will finally effect the exclusion of informal commerce as a culmination of long-term efforts to control its occupation of space. Copyright Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 1998. |
[25] | . , 国外非正规部门的研究始于20世纪70年代,最初研究的对象主要 集中在发展中国家和地区,随着研究的深入,发现发达国家和地区也存在非正规部门,但存在方式和形成机制有别于发展中国家和地区.通过对国外非正规部门研究 文献的系统梳理和分析,表明国外非正规部门的研究已形成一定的研究体系和理论成果,研究内容主要涉及非正规部门的边缘性和异质性等特征,非正规部门的空间 集聚与分异,非正规部门存在与发展的理论,包括贫困就业论、二元经济论、规制论和嵌入论等,非正规部门与正规部门的联系,非正规部门的经济、社会影响以及 非正规部门的正规化与政策等方面.但在从事非正规经济活动的人的空间特征、从综合视角分析非正规部门的形成发展过程、非正规部门对地域空间的影响以及对比 研究和定量研究方面还较为欠缺. . , 国外非正规部门的研究始于20世纪70年代,最初研究的对象主要 集中在发展中国家和地区,随着研究的深入,发现发达国家和地区也存在非正规部门,但存在方式和形成机制有别于发展中国家和地区.通过对国外非正规部门研究 文献的系统梳理和分析,表明国外非正规部门的研究已形成一定的研究体系和理论成果,研究内容主要涉及非正规部门的边缘性和异质性等特征,非正规部门的空间 集聚与分异,非正规部门存在与发展的理论,包括贫困就业论、二元经济论、规制论和嵌入论等,非正规部门与正规部门的联系,非正规部门的经济、社会影响以及 非正规部门的正规化与政策等方面.但在从事非正规经济活动的人的空间特征、从综合视角分析非正规部门的形成发展过程、非正规部门对地域空间的影响以及对比 研究和定量研究方面还较为欠缺. |
[26] | . , No abstract is available for this item. |
[27] | |
[28] | |
[29] | , This paper evaluates, in the context of economic geography estimates, the magnitude of the distortions arising from the choice of a specific zoning system, which is also known as the Modifiable Areal Unit Problem (MAUP). We undertake three standard economic geography exercises (the analysis of spatial concentration, agglomeration economies, and trade determinants), using various French zoning systems differentiated according to the size and shape of their spatial units. While size might matter, especially when the dependent variable of a regression is not aggregated in the same way as the explanatory variables and/or the zoning system involves large spatial units, shape does so much less. In any case, both dimensions are of secondary importance compared to specification issues. |
[30] | . , |
[31] | . , We use a point-pattern methodology to explore the detailed location patterns of UK manufacturing industries. In particular, we consider the location of entrants and exiters vs. continuing establishments, domestic- vs. foreign-owned, large vs. small, and affiliated vs. independent. We also examine co-localisation between vertically-linked industries. Our analysis provides a set of new stylised facts and confirmation for others. |
[32] | . , We propose new methods for evaluating the spatial distribution of firms. To assess whether firms are concentrated or dispersed, economists have tradi-tionally used indices that analyse the heterogeneity of a spatial structure at a single geographic level. We introduce distance-based methods, Besag's L function (derived from Ripley's K function) and Diggle and Chetwynd's D function to describe simultaneously spatial distribution at different geographical scales. Our empirical applications consider the distribution of French manufacturing firms in the Paris area and in France generally. For some geographic levels, results show significant concentration or dispersion of firms according to their sector of activity. Copyright 2003, Oxford University Press. |
[33] | . , This study introduces two new measures of spatial concentration. The proposed M functions constitute an extension to Ripley's functions (Ripley, 1976, 1977). They allow the evaluation of the relative geographic concentration and co-location of industries in a non-homogeneous spatial framework. Some rigorous comparisons with similar recently developed tools prove the relevance of the M functions in the field of spatial economics. |
[34] | . , This paper examines location patterns of Japan manufacturing industries using a unique firm-level dataset on the geographic location of firms. Following the point-pattern approach proposed by Duranton and Overman (2005), we find the following. First, about half of Japan manufacturing industries can be classified as localized and the number of localized industries is largest for a distance level of 40 km or less. Second, several industries in the textile mill products sector are among the most localized, which is similar to findings for the UK, suggesting that there exist common factors across countries determining the concentration of industrial activities. Third, the distribution of distances between entrant (exiting) firms and remaining firms is, in most industries, not significantly different from a random distribution. These results suggest that most industries in Japan neither become more localized nor more dispersed over time and are in line with similar findings by Duranton and Overman (2008) for the UK. Fourth, a comparison with the service sector indicates that the share of localized industries is higher in manufacturing than in services, although the extent of localization among the most localized manufacturing industries is smaller than that among the most localized service industries, including financial service industries |
[35] | . , ABSTRACT This paper employs a homogeneous-firm database to investigate industry localization in European countries. More specifically, it compares, across industries and countries, the predictions of two of the most popular localization indexes, that is, the Ellison and Glaeser index of 1997 and the Duranton and Overman index of 2005. Independently from the index used, it is found that localization is a pervasive phenomenon in all countries studied; and the degree of localization is very unevenly distributed across industries in each country. Furthermore, it is shown that in all countries localized sectors are mainly 'traditional' sectors or, if one controls for country industrial structures, science-based sectors. Moreover, it is found that the two indexes significantly diverge in predicting the intensity of localization of the same industry both across and within countries. In turn, these differences point to the different role played by pecuniary versus non-pecuniary externalities in driving firms' location decisions. |
[36] | . , This paper assesses the agglomeration pattern of four-digit industries in Germany using a rich data set on the population of German firms. To identify geographical agglomeration, we follow the distance based approach of Duranton and Overman (2005) and find that the location pattern of 78% of our industries departs from randomness in the sense that firms exhibit significant geographical localization. In line with previous studies on manufacturing firms in the UK and France, our analysis suggests that especially traditional manufacturing industries exhibit strong localization patterns. Moreover, we find that geographical localization is not restricted to the manufacturing sector but that it plays an equally, or even more important role in service industries. |
[37] | . , We document the location patterns of Canadian manufacturing industries – as well as changes in those patterns over the first decade of 2000 – using detailed micro-geographic data. Depending on industry definitions and years, 40 to 60 percent of industries are clustered. According to our measures, manufacturing industries become less geographically concentrated in Canada, i.e., localization is decreasing. Yet, some of the most localized industries are becoming even more localized. We also document the locational trends specific to small firms, young firms, and exporters. We find that their location patterns do not differ significantly from that of the other firms in their industries. |
[38] | . , 针对国内产业集聚测度研究在方法、空间尺度以及行业层次选择等方面的不足,本文选择DO指数利用北京企业微观数据进行了不同空间尺度细化行业的产业集聚测度研究,并对产业集聚的动态变化进行了考察。结果表明:①40%的行业在5%的置信水平下是显著集聚的,集聚行业数量在1km处最大,最大集聚程度发生的空间尺度则相对较大;②高技术行业最集聚,多数行业集聚范围大而短距离内集聚程度不高,低技术的劳动密集型行业最分散,分散行业中有多个为重污染行业,分散尺度过大且分散程度高;③小企业是集聚的主体,大企业是集聚的主要推动力;④相同二位数行业下的三位数行业空间分布模式类似,大类行业与下属行业的分布模式有所不同;⑤随着时间发展,2/3的行业空间分布模式稳定,不会变得更加集聚或更加分散,其余1/3可能会更加集聚或更加分散,或者行业集聚区发生移动。因此,北京政府需采取措施改变大部分行业,尤其是高科技行业短距离集聚程度偏低的现状,可通过扶持、培养大企业等来提高集聚程度,促进形成集聚程度高、特色鲜明的产业集聚区;北京面临污染企业规模小、数量较多且分散程度高的局面,为实现"宜居城市"目标,需进行污染的控制和治理。 . , 针对国内产业集聚测度研究在方法、空间尺度以及行业层次选择等方面的不足,本文选择DO指数利用北京企业微观数据进行了不同空间尺度细化行业的产业集聚测度研究,并对产业集聚的动态变化进行了考察。结果表明:①40%的行业在5%的置信水平下是显著集聚的,集聚行业数量在1km处最大,最大集聚程度发生的空间尺度则相对较大;②高技术行业最集聚,多数行业集聚范围大而短距离内集聚程度不高,低技术的劳动密集型行业最分散,分散行业中有多个为重污染行业,分散尺度过大且分散程度高;③小企业是集聚的主体,大企业是集聚的主要推动力;④相同二位数行业下的三位数行业空间分布模式类似,大类行业与下属行业的分布模式有所不同;⑤随着时间发展,2/3的行业空间分布模式稳定,不会变得更加集聚或更加分散,其余1/3可能会更加集聚或更加分散,或者行业集聚区发生移动。因此,北京政府需采取措施改变大部分行业,尤其是高科技行业短距离集聚程度偏低的现状,可通过扶持、培养大企业等来提高集聚程度,促进形成集聚程度高、特色鲜明的产业集聚区;北京面临污染企业规模小、数量较多且分散程度高的局面,为实现"宜居城市"目标,需进行污染的控制和治理。 |
[39] | . , 运用改进的基于距离的产业地理集中度测度方法M'函数,利用2001北京市第二次基本单位普查资料和2002北京市130部门投入产出表,研究了北京市25个制造业行业的空间分布结构,以及14组投入产出关系较为密切行业间的空间临近分布状态.发现25个制造业行业在不同的距离范围内呈不同程度的集中分布,随着距离的增加,集中度基本呈下降的趋势.各行业的空间集中程度差别较大,原料指向和劳动力指向型行业空间分布的集中程度高,资金和技术密集型行业空间分布的集中程度相对较低.定量分析表明,比较优势和产业联系是影响北京制造业空间集聚的主要因素,促进北京制造业行业地理集中;产品市场竞争、外商投资和技术外溢推动产业布局趋向分散.行业间空间临近分布的集中度低,多数行业间表现为分散分布.相对而言,劳动密集型或原料型制造业行业间空间临近分布的集中度较高;资金或技术密集型行业与其他行业间空间临近分布多为分散状态.进一步研究表明,投入产出对行业间空间临近分布具有较强的解释力. . , 运用改进的基于距离的产业地理集中度测度方法M'函数,利用2001北京市第二次基本单位普查资料和2002北京市130部门投入产出表,研究了北京市25个制造业行业的空间分布结构,以及14组投入产出关系较为密切行业间的空间临近分布状态.发现25个制造业行业在不同的距离范围内呈不同程度的集中分布,随着距离的增加,集中度基本呈下降的趋势.各行业的空间集中程度差别较大,原料指向和劳动力指向型行业空间分布的集中程度高,资金和技术密集型行业空间分布的集中程度相对较低.定量分析表明,比较优势和产业联系是影响北京制造业空间集聚的主要因素,促进北京制造业行业地理集中;产品市场竞争、外商投资和技术外溢推动产业布局趋向分散.行业间空间临近分布的集中度低,多数行业间表现为分散分布.相对而言,劳动密集型或原料型制造业行业间空间临近分布的集中度较高;资金或技术密集型行业与其他行业间空间临近分布多为分散状态.进一步研究表明,投入产出对行业间空间临近分布具有较强的解释力. |